rss_2.0Sciendo RSS Feed for Administrationhttps://sciendo.com/journal/ADMINhttps://www.sciendo.comhttps://sciendo-parsed.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/64707dfb71e4585e08a9e730/cover-image.jpghttps://sciendo.com/journal/ADMIN140216https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0019ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00192023-08-17T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0020ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00202023-08-17T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0014ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00142023-08-17T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0016<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The concept of a policy advisory system (PAS) is devised to study the diverse range of actors involved in the policy formulation process from a system level. An optimal PAS should be adaptable, autonomous and transparent, and should deliver substantive and timely advice. This article discusses factors influencing developments in Ireland’s PAS, including the broader trends of politicisation and externalisation. The findings are informed by interviews and a survey circulated to Irish civil servants who perform policy worker tasks and are engaged in providing advice to ministers. The research finds that new structural and institutional arrangements introduced to Ireland’s PAS have created a greater capacity for evidence-based advice in the internal PAS and a more contested space for policy advice. It also highlights that this has not fundamentally disturbed embedded characteristics of the Irish policymaking environment. Political demand pressures from ministers (both personal and electoral) can drive elements of politicisation within the civil service whereby policy advice is weighted or discarded based on ministerial preferences.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00162023-08-17T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0017<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This paper examines the resistance of Irish regions to potential future economic shock, focusing specifically on employment change in firms in receipt of assistance from the Irish government’s enterprise development agencies. The paper classifies both regions and sectors in terms of their employment performance during the course of the 2011–22 period and assesses the roles of sectoral composition and firm nationality in shaping regional performance. While nationality mix is significant, sectoral composition is seen as having a more important impact on regional employment performance. It then uses the same approach to predict the performance of regions in the context of potential future shocks post 2022. The paper suggests that the Border region is the least resistant to potential future shock. Other regions with relatively low resistance include the Mid East and the Midlands. The paper subsequently considers the implications of the findings for both regional economic divergence trends and the policy aim of balanced regional development in Ireland.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00172023-08-17T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0015<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>In the academic literature governance is a contested term. It is about how organisations are run and the oversight and accountability that are encompassed in this process. However, it can also be viewed in terms of delivery, ‘getting things done’. In the public service this equates to implementing government policy, which is why the term is sometimes seen as synonymous with public management. Collaborative governance recognises that delivering on many government policies requires different sectors and levels of government working across organisational boundaries. This presents its own additional set of challenges. This paper reviews the governance of public service reform since the financial crisis in 2011. This is a policy area that clearly requires a ‘joined-up’ approach. The paper uses a governance framework that emerged from an extensive research programme between the Environmental Protection Agency and the Institute of Public Administration examining water governance arrangements. While it is clear that governance matters a great deal, achieving it in practice can be complex. This paper identifies strengths and weaknesses in respect of the governance of public service reform and makes recommendations for improvements.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00152023-08-17T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0018ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00182023-08-17T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0011ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00112023-04-22T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0010<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>In the midst of a seemingly unending economic crisis, the period 1948–58 saw a dramatic expansion of fiscal policy in Ireland. T. K. Whitaker’s <italic>Economic Development</italic> is traditionally represented as a landmark departure behind this change from traditional Department of Finance thinking and political inertia, propelled by the perceived Keynesian ideas of his fellow younger economists. However, by assessing the policy positions each actor adopted during major economic events of the period, this study argues that Whitaker’s economic outlook largely aligned with Finance’s, and that <italic>Economic Development</italic> must be viewed in large part as a reaction to the pre-existing fiscal commitments of the public capital programme. In tandem, it concludes that although the influential younger economists of the period are sometimes described as expansionist Keynesians – such as Patrick Lynch, who in the early part of the decade spearheaded Keynesian-type initiatives such as the capital budget principle – by mid decade their views aligned with the more classical economic outlook of the Department of Finance.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00102023-04-22T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0012<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Since the 1980s, regional development policy in advanced economies has emphasised the promotion of endogenous development potentials within regions, with local/regional government playing a leading role in the creation of effective governance structures for mobilising these potentials. A key feature of this approach is the adoption of the city-region as the organising unit for pursuing local/regional development. Ireland has not followed this lead, continuing to rely on external investment as the main engine of economic growth and failing to devolve highly centralised functions which could give local/regional government a more effective developmental role. This article argues that the 2012 <italic>Action Programme for Effective Local Government</italic> proposes a regional structure which is meaningless in terms of city-region development and fails to address the governance weaknesses which inhibit development at the regional and local levels. The action programme therefore ignores international best practice regarding how effective regional development should be pursued.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00122023-04-22T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0009<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This paper employs elite formation quantitative indices to directly and transparently compare the role of the Irish secondary school system in the formation of Ireland’s political and judicial elites, over its history as an independent country (1922–2022). Whereas other elite studies have tended to compare either the same elite formation systems or the same elites, across countries, we examine the eliteness, influence and exclusiveness of one formation system in the creation of two very different societal elites. Our results suggest that the secondary schools that educated Ireland’s superior court judges were significantly more elite and influential than those that educated its cabinet ministers. Additionally, the vast majority of the secondary schools that educated superior court judges, and about 30 per cent of those that educated cabinet ministers, were fee-paying schools, a category of school that constitutes only a tiny fraction of the secondary schools in the country.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00092023-04-22T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0013ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00132023-04-22T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0007ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00072023-02-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0004ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00042023-02-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0002ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00022023-02-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0008ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00082023-02-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0005ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00052023-02-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0006ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00062023-02-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0003ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00032023-02-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-0001ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/admin-2023-00012023-02-27T00:00:00.000+00:00en-us-1