rss_2.0Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics FeedSciendo RSS Feed for Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politicshttps://sciendo.com/journal/JNMLPhttps://www.sciendo.comJournal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 's Coverhttps://sciendo-parsed-data-feed.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/61c75adaf9200d2343fd5545/cover-image.jpg?X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&X-Amz-Date=20220927T202731Z&X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&X-Amz-Expires=604800&X-Amz-Credential=AKIA6AP2G7AKP25APDM2%2F20220927%2Feu-central-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&X-Amz-Signature=bfee7f2cf523f8ee6103f3e6c1a5c39dc19f364e5d4c17c316e6cc04e4801280200300“They Are Khawārij of Our Time:” Relying on Background Knowledge and Long-Term Memory to Justify Fighting ISIS in Jordanian Political Discoursehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2022-0004<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This study focuses on a discourse practice that metaphorically associates ISIS with an early Islamic sect known as the Kharijites. This practice constructs a discourse that calls back the background knowledge and memory of historical narratives and experiences that create conceptual frames that communicate meanings of war and atrocities. These meanings were used by King Abdullah II of Jordan to justify Jordan’s military participation against ISIS (circa 2014–2018). On the basis of the “blending theory” of conceptual metaphor, this study shows how the discourse practice of depicting ISIS as the Kharijites has undergone selective associations with the ideological aim of constructing persuasive and coercive discourses to justify military intervention against ISIS, primarily by foregrounding scripts of threat and victimization. That, in turn, leads to the instigation of illusive and incomplete associations.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-04-01T00:00:00.000+00:00Defining National Memories: The Cases of Popular Rebellions in Ireland and Québechttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2022-0003<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>While studies on nations and nationalism have brilliantly demonstrated the influence of collective memory on national development, few studies have examined the reciprocity of this relationship. This article is therefore concerned with the laborious processes of memorizing the founding myths of both the Irish and Québécois nations. Indeed, while today the rebellion of 1798 in Ireland and those of 1837–1838 in Québec are central to their respective processes of identity-building, it has not been a calm process; the 1798 rebellion was buried in collective amnesia for almost a century and in Québec, the <italic>Patriotes</italic> rebellions have constantly moved in and out of collective memory. I argue, in this article, that the unstable definition of both nations harmed the process of remembrance. I am therefore interested in the long and conflicting journey that has enabled the Irish and Québécois nations to define themselves, respectively, by their religion and their language. Through a historiographical analysis of the speeches from several leaders of these two nationalist movements, this article shows how nations define and redefine themselves and how memories are also altered to meet those changes.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-03-07T00:00:00.000+00:00Renarrating the “western territories:” training programs for college students in China’s Far Westhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2022-0002<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This paper shows how history is rewritten in China by shaping the memories of its youth, who create new communities by sharing and renarrating new memories. They can become a powerful channel to convey an official interpretation of local histories to a larger public, by marginalizing and appropriating local narratives. The idea behind the program for voluntary narrators under analysis<fn id="j_jnmlp-2022-0002_fn_001" symbol="1"><p>“Explaining Dunhuang – 2019 University students’ summer programme to become voluntary narrator at Mogao grottoes”. The original name of the program in Chinese is Jieshuo Dunhuang – 2019 <italic>Mogao ku gaoxiao shuqi zhiyuan jiangjieyuan</italic> 解说敦煌·2019莫高窟高校暑期志愿讲解员.</p></fn> is to shape memories of China’s young and wealthy students about a place, by transforming its rich cross-cultural fundamentals, symbolic and inner meanings, into a representation of the Nation, able to convey powerful declinations of official narratives on the history of China. The analysis is conducted in consideration of the larger context of the construction and transmission of the official discourse on national identity in contemporary PRC. Specifically, the author provides evidence of how young Chinese internalize and disseminate the party line on Chineseness, and the subordinate role assigned within this process to “minorities.” Minorities are seen both as a threat and an opportunity: a threat to the Party and social cohesion as carriers of diverse identities, an opportunity for contrasting Chineseness with the Other, a backward entity, inadequate and unable to embrace—if not help—the path to modernity.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-03-07T00:00:00.000+00:00Neither Civic nor Ethnic: Analyzing Right-Wing Politics Using a Theoretical Expansion of Kohn's “Dichotomy of Nationalism”https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2022-0001<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Comparative research looks for “ethnic nationalism” to classify a party as either “extreme right” or “radical right.” “Ethnic nationalism” has turned into a common theoretical concept by way of various interpretations of Hans Kohn's work, developing a theoretical ethnic/civic contrast of national ideologies. The application of this dichotomy has been criticized for lack of theoretical depth that resulted in inaccurate analysis and, in some cases, harmful normative judgment. This article claims that this simple contrast between two types of national ideology omits complex theoretical views of nationalism that are neither civic nor ethnic, which are promoted mainly by the conservative right. By expanding Kohn's dichotomy into an “axis of ideological nationalism,” it offers a normative theoretical tool to be used in comparative politics, paving the way for a more comprehensive model of right-wing national ideology.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-02-27T00:00:00.000+00:00US–Kenya Economic Relations under Obama and Their Image in the Kenyan News Discoursehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0003<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Economic cooperation between the US and Kenya has reflected the ups and downs in the relations between the two countries. Since independence, both countries have converged on security issues and diverged on questions of democracy and human rights. When Barack Obama was elected as the President of the US, Kenya expected to get an “Obama bonus” in the form of closer trade and investment cooperation. This article analyzes what is the image of US–Kenya economic relations in the news discourse. The analysis reveals that three different and competing narratives are present in the news discourse in Kenya. The US disseminates a narrative that economy, security, good governance and human resources are four interconnected and mutually reinforcing pillars of African development; Kenya must make progress in all these four pillars, and the US is ready to help Kenya. Kenyan leaders seem to internalize the economic part of the narrative and accept the nexus between economy and security, but they reject the nexus between economy and political issues. Finally, the Kenyan society internalizes both these narratives, albeit to a different degree, with the latter prevailing over the former. However, it also produces its own narrative, which presents current US–Kenya economic relations in a different perspective. The whole US engagement in Kenya hardly goes beyond the symbolical level. It is driven by US economic interests and competition with China, while there is no “Obama bonus” for Kenya.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2018-07-30T00:00:00.000+00:00Forgotten Slovakia Civic Initiative: Talking Openly about Extremism. Parallel Monologues or a Discussion on Values?https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0004ARTICLE2018-07-30T00:00:00.000+00:00Anti-Islamism without Moslems: Cognitive Frames of Czech Antimigrant Politicshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0001<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The paper deals with the way that the Czech extremist – as well as the mainstream – politicians use to frame the issues related to Moslem migration. The paper seeks to find the answer to a situation of successful use of anti-Islam and anti-immigrant campaigning in the country, which is neither a destination country nor an important transit country for the migrants. The paper approaches the topic through the conceptual lenses of the concept of cognitive frames. By discursive analysis of selected Czech politicians’ rhetoric in the period of 2015–2016, the authors show how politicians are constructing the cognitive frameworks on migrants and refugees, connecting these groups with radical Islam and the construct of danger, thus shifting the migration issue from the framework of international assistance and aid to securitized frameworks.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2018-07-30T00:00:00.000+00:00The Troubled Pasts of Hungarian and German Minorities in Slovakia and Their Representation in Museumshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0002<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>In the 20th century, the two world wars reshaped the map of Central Europe as well as the status of Central Europe’s diverse societies. In my article, I focus on the Hungarian and German minorities in Slovakia and the representation of their problematic historical past in contemporary Slovak museums. More specifically, I zoom in on the exhibition <italic>Exchanged Homes</italic> displayed in Bratislava, which aims to commemorate the fate of Hungarians, Germans, and Slovaks, all of whom were affected by the population transfers after World War II. Based on the concept of <italic>memorial museums</italic> theorized by Paul Williams, I aim to show how the different exhibitions engage with the traumatic past of forceful resettlement. By offering multifaceted memories of a troubled past, these exhibitions avoid categorizing “victims” and “perpetrators” along national or ethnic lines. My paper thus analyzes the concepts and components of the exhibitions—the context of the postwar events, oral history interviews, and objects of everyday use that should bring the visitor closer to the experience of the people who were forced to leave. I argue that exhibitions of this sort have the ability to challenge the dominant historical narrative focusing on a national “Slovak” history and help the process of reconciliation between the Slovak majority society, and the Hungarian and German minorities.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2018-07-30T00:00:00.000+00:00Between Language Revitalization and Assimilation: On the Language Situation of the German Minority in the Czech Republichttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0007<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Language preservation is considered to be one of the central missions of ethnic groups. For the German minority in the Czech Republic too, language plays an important role in group identity. Its current language situation is a result of the negative historic developments after World War II and under the communist regime. Due to the forced resettlement of most German-speaking inhabitants and the subsequent assimilation policies of the communist regime, the German community underwent strong cultural and language assimilation, which is also attested by the steady decline of its membership. The study focuses on issues of the language situation of the German minority and the revitalization efforts that have been undertaken by its elite in cooperation with other relevant institutions. A research survey of the main representatives of the minority and its regional associations demonstrates their evaluations of the ways in which German language is currently used and promoted in the Czech Republic, and it also points to the different strategies they have been striving to implement to reverse the language shift.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2018-07-30T00:00:00.000+00:00Online Comments as a Tool of Intercultural (Russian–Czech) “Anti-Dialog”https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0006<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This study presents a content and qualitative discourse analysis of readers’ comments made on Czech journalism on sociopolitical topics published in Russian translation at InoSMI.ru. Following the tradition of ethnomethodology, which examines the formation of subjective views of the world from the viewpoint of the general population, the interpretation of the examined discourse focuses on analyzing the verbal attitudes of regular Russian readers of political journalism toward the opinions of the Czech public on the current-day Russia and toward Czechs and the Czech Republic in general. Specifically, the study examined the expressions of intolerance toward the opinions of others and linguistic aggression on the part of the Russian-speaking commenters toward the authors of critical Czech journalism as natural and instinctive dismissive reactions to “different” or hostile language and cultural and ideological expressions. The study is based on language data acquired by analyzing readers’ comments left on a total of 45 Russian translations of Czech journalistic writings published between January and September 2016 on 12 different Czech websites. The qualitative, critical analysis of the linguistic material is based on a sociocognitive approach, which assumes a dialectical relationship between the discourse and society operating through cognitive structures (knowledge and ideology). The aim of this study was to highlight the negative aspects of unsanctioned public sociopolitical discourse, which is currently made possible and accelerated by technology advances of the Internet network and, at a time of a de facto information war, contributes to the spread of negativistic and hostile attitudes and sentiments, rather than to a genuine intercultural dialog.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2018-07-30T00:00:00.000+00:00Not All the Past Needs To Be Used: Features of Fidesz’s Politics of Memoryhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0009<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Since the 2010 elections, the current Hungarian government has proven to be a very active and restless “memory warrior” <xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_jnmlp-2017-0009_ref_011_w2aab3b7b4b1b6b1ab1b4c11Aa">(Bernard and Kubik 2014)</xref>. The ruling party, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz, shows both a neat understanding of national history and the ability to transmit it by the adoption of different tools. This politics of memory is instrumental in granting the government political legitimacy. By ruling out oppositional actors and their historical narratives from the public sphere, Fidesz presents itself as the primary champion of Hungarian national sovereignty. Hungarians is, then, portrayed as a nation that has long suffered from the yoke of external oppression in which the Ottomans, the Habsburgs, the Soviets and eventually the Europeans figure as the enemies of the Hungarians. Specific collective memories, including the Treaty of Trianon (1920), Nazi occupation (1944–5) and socialist period (1948–90), are targeted so as to enact a sense of national belonging and pride, as well as resentment against foreigners. Moreover, in its rejection of the pluralism of memories and yearn for the homogenization of national history by marginalizing unfitting elements, this politics of memory is consistent with the System of National Cooperation (<xref ref-type="bibr" rid="j_jnmlp-2017-0009_ref_008_w2aab3b7b4b1b6b1ab1b4b8Aa">Batory 2016</xref>) that Fidesz’s administration has tried to establish in Hungary. This paper carries out an in-depth analysis of Fidesz’s multilayered politics of memory by investigating both its internal and external dimensions separately. In the final section, conclusions are drawn up to summarize its key tenets. Official speeches, legislative acts, and four interviews with key historians of Hungary have been used as sources.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2017-12-29T00:00:00.000+00:00Language Differentiation of Ukraine’s Populationhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0008<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>While people of many nationalities live in Ukraine, Ukrainians and Russians constitute the majority of its population. Territorially, the Ukrainian language is spread unevenly, which results in pronounced bilingualism and language bipolarity. The influence of the Soviet policy of the Russian language dominance is still present in Ukraine. Ukrainian prevails in the sphere of public administration and education. Russian dominates in most mass media. Under such circumstances it is important to maintain conditions for the preservation of the language identity of other ethnic minorities, which would promote the development of linguistic diversity in Ukraine.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2017-12-29T00:00:00.000+00:00The Arabic Language: A Latin of Modernity?https://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0006<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Standard Arabic is directly derived from the language of the Quran. The Arabic language of the holy book of Islam is seen as the prescriptive benchmark of correctness for the use and standardization of Arabic. As such, this standard language is removed from the vernaculars over a millennium years, which Arabic-speakers employ nowadays in everyday life. Furthermore, standard Arabic is used for written purposes but very rarely spoken, which implies that there are no native speakers of this language. As a result, no speech community of standard Arabic exists. Depending on the region or state, Arabs (understood here as Arabic speakers) belong to over 20 different vernacular speech communities centered around Arabic dialects. This feature is unique among the so-called “large languages” of the modern world. However, from a historical perspective, it can be likened to the functioning of Latin as the sole (written) language in Western Europe until the Reformation and in Central Europe until the mid-19th century. After the seventh to ninth century, there was no Latin-speaking community, while in day-to-day life, people who employed Latin for written use spoke vernaculars. Afterward these vernaculars replaced Latin in written use also, so that now each recognized European language corresponds to a speech community. In future, faced with the demands of globalization, the diglossic nature of Arabic may yet yield a ternary polyglossia (triglossia): with the vernacular for everyday life; standard Arabic for formal texts, politics, and religion; and a western language (English, French, or Spanish) for science, business technology, and the perusal of belles-lettres.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2017-12-29T00:00:00.000+00:00The Arab College in Jerusalem 1918-1948: Influence of the Curriculum on the Cultural Awakeninghttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0002<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This article seeks to shed light on the curriculum of the Arab College in Jerusalem established by the British Mandate Government in 1918. The curriculum of the college was similar to the educational program of an English public school and was overwhelmingly geared toward English language and literature, with special emphasis on British history, in addition to Arabic, Latin, geography, science, and mathematics. The curriculum was also geared toward teachers’ training, in order to create a class of professionals to occupy managerial positions in the Mandate government and help in the administration of the country by working in schools, banks, and the Postal Service. This article examines and analyzes the curriculum of the Arab College, including textbooks and final examinations. It will also look at the role of the British Mandate Government in the improvement of the education system and the personal interviews with present graduates from the Arab College. It also examines the influence of the educational program on the writings of one of its graduates, Jabra Ibrahim Jabra (1920–1994). The literary works of Jabra, mainly in novel, poetry, and translation, represent an example on how the Arab College promoted the British culture among the Palestinian graduates of the college.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2017-07-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Divided National Identity in Moldovahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0004<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This paper discusses the competing processes between Moldovan and Romanian identities for the creation of a national identity in the Republic of Moldova. The issue of a common national identity for the people of the Republic of Moldova has been a problem since the beginning of this state’s independence. Throughout the 25 years of independence, different concepts of a Moldovan nation have competed in public, scientific, and political discourse. As a result of the historical context, the region has a linguistic specificity, which is based on the example of the Romanians, Moldovans, and Russians living in this region. Through archival research, field research, and interviews with Moldovan intellectuals and officials, this study recognizes the need for a national identity in the creation of unity and a sense of nationalism for Moldovan citizens.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2017-07-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Transnationalism in the Pacific Region as a Concept of State Identityhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0001<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This paper is devoted to the fulfillment of the concept of transnational citizenship achieved by New Zealand toward the Pacific Island countries, mainly through their constitutional relations, and the paper analyzes the fundamental question of what aspects comprise the core of the transnational aspect of this community. The aim here is to put forward the key aspects and steps in the building and development of a functioning model of transnational communities, with emphasis on the legal instrument of regional identity building, namely, the introduction and development of dual citizenship as the adaptation of the historical heritage of the colonial past (British citizenship) to the conditions of a globalized world while taking all the problems that the region faces now into account. We see transnational communities to be an important expression of contemporary globalization, as they have also been historically, as proved by New Zealand and the Pacific Island countries.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2017-07-31T00:00:00.000+00:00Between Diplomacy and Paradiplomacy: Taiwan's Foreign Relations in Current Practicehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0003<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The study deals with Taiwan’s engagement in international relations from the viewpoint of practical performance of its foreign activities. It is stressed that Taiwan’s foreign activities may be divided by their nature into two basic groups: the official diplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to those foreign states with which it has established diplomatic relations, and unofficial quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities that Taiwan carries out in relation to the states with which it does not have diplomatic relations. In the study, the diplomatic and quasidiplomatic or paradiplomatic activities of Taiwan are compared, especially with emphasis on their institutional backgrounds, legal regulations, and other conditions for their practical performance. It is concluded that the differences between the diplomatic and paradiplomatic dimensions of Taiwan’s foreign activities are rooted mainly in their formal and protocolar aspects, whereas from the viewpoint of their organization and practical performance, these differences are minimal.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2017-07-31T00:00:00.000+00:00A Bridge to the Past: Public Memory and Nostalgia for the Communist Times in Modern Georgiahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0005<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This paper deals with the politics of memory in contemporary Georgia’s public space. It explores the relations between official and vernacular commemorations of the Soviet past in Tbilisi. In this paper, I have studied the forms of materialization of vernacular memories in the public space and provided a frame in which they exist, including the ideological background of decommunization in Georgia and peculiarities of the Soviet era museumizing in state museums. The official discourse demonizes the previous epoque and neglects all its benefits, whereas the ordinary people are quite nuanced in their memories of their past – this contradiction leads to manifestations of vernacular memories. Therefore, this paper focuses mostly on Tbilisi’s Dry Bridge, a famous flea market where the memory of the recent Soviet past is negotiated. The main argument is that this particular flea market and its artifacts might be regarded as a “vernacular memorial” and “lieu de memoire” where nostalgia for an officially demonized era can be expressed and materialized. This paper explores the items that are on sale, explaining their meaning for the post-Soviet people, and describes the intangible practices that can be observed there. In addition, this paper unpacks that these nostalgic practices should not be considered as “unhealthy” or “retrospective” as it helps people to adapt to modernity and develop by considering more than one hegemonic version of their past.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2018-07-30T00:00:00.000+00:00“Roma” Label: The Deconstructed and Reconceptualized Category within the Pentecostal and Charismatic Pastoral Discourse in Contemporary Slovakiahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0007<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This paper deals with the ways of reconceptualization and negotiation of a new ethnicity and identity within the Pentecostal and Charismatic pastoral discourse among the Gypsies/Roma of Slovakia. The analysis is based on three denominations: the <italic>Word of Life</italic> movement in Plavecký Štvrtok, the <italic>Maranata Christian Mission</italic> in Spišská Nová Ves and the <italic>St. Paul’s Community</italic> within the Greek-Catholic Church in Čičava. The comparative analysis of pastoral and converts’ narratives has shown that the “New Roma” category is constructed as an ahistorical <italic>category of practice</italic>, which is intentionally largely ethnically <italic>emptied</italic> and creatively filled with specific content according to the life goals and paths of particular users either at the individual level or at the community level in line with the creed of good, moral, useful and decent life (of a Christian = Human = Rom). Research has revealed that in spite of the strong trans-social and trans-ethnic discourse, according to which believers should lose the reason for taking into account the inter-group stratifications, they still remain <italic>ethnically</italic> and <italic>socially sensitive</italic>. An important change in this context is, however, that the previous paradigm Gypsies <italic>versus</italic> “Whites” turns, after conversion, into the paradigm Roma <italic>alongside</italic> other nations. This fundamentally changes the basic classificatory schemes and positional way of defining themselves in relation to others. The <italic>New Rom</italic> is primarily the negation of the <italic>Old Rom</italic>, not of the <italic>White/Gadjo</italic>. The way in which Pentecostal and Charismatic pastors positively reconstruct, reconceptualize and negotiate the “New Roma” identity at the individual, group, collective and national levels goes largely <italic>beyond</italic> the traditional (modern) perception of ethnic identities and does not take into account historical origin, country, language, culture, etc. as constitutive elements. From this viewpoint, the Pentecostal and Charismatic pastors operating among Gypsies/Roma in contemporary Slovakia would be considered to be engineers, mentors and tutors of ethnoreligious innovation based on the concept of relocation and accommodation of Gypsies into the new and positively reconceptualized label Rom/a.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2017-12-29T00:00:00.000+00:00Migration Discourse in Slovak Politics. Context and Content of Migration in Political Discourse: European Values versus Campaign Rhetorichttps://sciendo.com/article/10.1515/jnmlp-2017-0005<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The migration crisis has not only influenced the societies of Europe, their governments, and decisions taken by them but also affected the work of media. As soon as the migration crisis began to escalate in Europe, the old continent has continuously tried to cope with the influx of refugees from the war-threatened Middle East; not only individual statements of politicians and influential individuals but also communication flows themselves, which have created content and expanded context within networks, have become the center of interest. We can assume that in the previous months (especially in the case of the Slovak Republic), political and media discourses influenced societal and individual opinions and attitudes toward the migration crisis. The main aim of this article is to compare the various contents in the Slovak printed media in the context of the migration crisis. The dominant focus will be on analyzing media messages in the analyzed period in the context of creating political (media-based and electoral) discourse on the refugee crisis. We assume that over time, the main political discourse changed, and that the rhetoric of the main political actors also changed over time. The reason for this shift was the national election in March 2016.</p></abstract>ARTICLE2017-07-31T00:00:00.000+00:00en-us-1