rss_2.0Sciendo RSS Feed for Review of Nationalitieshttps://sciendo.com/journal/PNhttps://www.sciendo.comhttps://sciendo-parsed.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/64728201215d2f6c89dcac80/cover-image.jpghttps://sciendo.com/journal/PN140216https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0005<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Sport is a specific form of human activity, contingent on the political and socio-cultural history of a given region/state, strengthening national identity and sense of the distinctiveness of entities living in that region or state. At the same time, it has an unquestionable influence on the process of building and strengthening the country’s image in the international arena.</p><p>Chinese martial arts are treated not only as a sport called <italic>wǔshù</italic>, but also as a carrier of centuries-old Chinese tradition. This cultural aspect of <italic>kungfu</italic>/<italic>wǔshù</italic> means that the promotion of these martial arts should be considered not only from the perspective of sports diplomacy, but also from a broader perspective, based on the analysis of cultural diplomatic activity in China.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00052020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0011<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The presented article focuses on the analysis of the transposition of a national event into supranational one, the most striking example of which is the confrontation of Real Madrid with FC Barcelona, known as El Clásico. The text will examine the elements used in the process of recasting the event, which are decisive for giving it a meaning beyond the framework of a single country. The hypothesis is as follows: “While still functioning in the Spanish symbolic space, Real Madrid and FC Barcelona have transposed the mutual rivalry through permutation of the national event into supranational one, using elements that constitute and determine the specificity of the club. It was possible through reification of identity and orientation towards the idea of social identity”. It indicates the direction of research, which differs from treating this phenomenon only in marketing terms. It also outlines two basic points of reference, focusing the analysis on aspects related to identification issues. These, as will be shown in the text, determine the possibility of emotional involvement of supporters all over the world in experiencing a national holiday such as the confrontation of the Los Blancos and Blaugrana, without having to decode the primordial component which is political and social conflict.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00112020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0012<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The Corrida de tores, as an important component of Spanish culture, has also been the subject of a dispute between the aficionados (supporters of the corrida) and the antitaurinos (opponents of the corrida) for centuries. Naturally, the spectacle has become an object of interest for researchers not only in the socio-cultural context, where it is becoming a spectacle full of artistry, accompanied by great emotions, or a tradition in some aspects resembling the Fiesta Nacional, but also becoming increasingly important on the political, moral and ethical level. The latter is related to the issue of animal protection and their humane treatment, while in the political dimension the links between the taurammatic tradition and the actions of political decision-makers are mainly analysed. Importantly, in the Catalan and Spanish public spaces, the corrida has become a national sporting role, with similar links to politics. In the light of the Catalan-Spanish antagonisms, this perspective is gaining particular importance, as evidenced, for example, by the flashback of football competition (Real Madrid FC vs. FC Barcelona) in the country under Francisco Franco’s regime, where sporting competition became an exemplary political game.</p><p>The aim of the article is to analyze the dispute between politicians in Madrid and Catalanists and independents in the region in the context of the banning of the de toros corrida in Catalonia in 2010 and the reaction of the centre’s decision making centre to these actions. Moreover, the motives for this ban are sought, whether they are of an autotelic nature - in this case, the protection of animal rights -or whether they show the traits of instrumental use of tradition, de facto considered to be a “foreign”, because Spanish, part of the rhetoric and real policy pursued by Catalan nationalists and independents in the era of radicalisation of the independence movement in Catalonia.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00122020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0010<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This chapter discusses the continuities, changes and ruptures in Brazilian sport from the profiles of the Ministers of Sport and the budget of the Ministry of Sport from 2003 to 2018. For that, we identify the sport in a social panorama that includes President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s election, the choice of Brazil to host the 2014 World Cup and the Olympics 2016, the 2013 June Journeys and the 2016 coup. Data are presented on the profile of the Ministers and the resources of the Ministry of Sports in the period between 2003 and 2018 to assist a reflection on the different political and social moments the country went through in the period. The conclusions after the analysis indicated that such changes affected sport in Brazil and that more research is needed to clarify the extent of such modifications and its consequences.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00102020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0017<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Demographically, Siberia has been a remote and sparsely populated base of European Russia. The population of the Ural Federal District between 1989 and 2010 (within the borders of 2002) decreased by 0.45 million, Siberian Federal District by 4.90 million people and the Far Eastern Federal District by 1.65 million people. That is, the population of three federal districts decreased by 6.99 million people in just 21 years.</p><p>In the years 2010-2019, the number of inhabitants of the Ural Federal District increased slightly from 12.08 million to 12.35 million people, i.e. by 0.27 million people. The population of the Siberian Federal District (within the borders of 2019) in the years 2010-2019 decreased by 0.004 million people. The number of inhabitants of the Far Eastern Federal District (within the borders of 2019) in the period 2010-2019 decreased by 0.18 million people.</p><p>In total, in the years 2010-2019, the population of the three federal districts recorded a slight increase of 0.082 million people.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00172020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0019<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The paper points to new difficulties and new expectations towards the Polish school. The presence of a greater number of immigrant students results in the school and teachers having to face new challenges. However, one often forgets that pupils too are put in a new school and in a new cultural situation. On top of that, pupils in a class that welcome new classmates should be prepared for the meeting with a different culture or tradition in order to understand their new friends better. One also needs to think how to support the child’s parents for whom it is also a very difficult time. Support from the school, teachers and other parents is very important. It will enable the child to step into new duties more quickly and it will allow the parents to understand requirements and expectations.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00192020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0022ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00222020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0003<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The connection between sport and nationalism is unquestionable. However, it is a matter of debate whether and to what extent this should be the case, given the potential danger involved. Cases of chauvinist exacerbation and even violence are well known. From a normative philosophical approach, we start with the hypothesis of a thermometer of sports nationalism that allows us to evaluate when these expressions are tolerable or not. As a proposal, we distinguish between assertive, aggressive and violent nationalism. Having examined the pros and cons of sporting nationalism in terms of foreign policy, it seems to us that there are not sufficient reasons to establish a causal link or to claim that it contributes to violence. It follows that there do not seem to us to be any moral or political reasons to eliminate international competitions or to even substantially change their current structure.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00032020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0021<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Tourism is a growing service economic sector that creates jobs for many communities in the world. Ethnic minority communities in many countries are also now taking part in tourism activities. Vietnam is a country with great potentials for natural landscapes, historical values, indigenous culture of ethnic groups with habits and lifestyles, rich culinary culture of regions. It is the basis for development of tourism. Through tourism, tourists will understand the daily life of indigenous peoples, but at the same time people in these ethnic minority communities will have the opportunity to access popular cultural phenomena. This thesis discusses the ethnic minority communities’ access to popular culture through tourism such as mass media, popular culinary culture or mass tourism. The case study was conducted in a village of ethnic minorities in Hoa Binh province, North Vietnam which has been undergoing changes under the impact of tourism in recent years.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00212020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0001<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The focus of this paper is sports stadia in Britain and Ireland and, by implication, the politics of identity in a multi-national United Kingdom, arguably more divided than at any time since the Act of Union in 1707 because of the decision to leave the European Union. The paper discusses sports stadia in England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland and, by necessary extension, the Republic of Ireland. I argue that, because of the multi-national character of the United Kingdom, it is impossible to identify a single British national stadium. In addition, in the UK’s various constituent nations, sport and its places are contested with the contestation reflecting divisions within these nations, making the Principality Stadium in Wales the only true example of a national stadium in the United Kingdom.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00012020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0006<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The aim of this article is to discuss the ideological function of mountain landscape in the Basque nationalism and the importance of sport, especially mountain sports and activities, in the process of creating, reproducing and transmitting Basque identity. It includes an outline of the history of the Basque presence in the mountains, as well as the political dimension of hiking in the mountains and conquering mountain peaks. The question of the relationship between language, identity and the lifestyle of the individual and the family is analyzed, too. The text concludes that a mountain was an important space for celebration of Basque identity and even sometimes is considered the symbol of the Basque culture. The article is based on the author’s field research in the Basque Autonomous Community (observations, interviews, analysis of documents). This study advances our understanding of the nature of Basque nationalism and identity.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00062020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0016<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p><bold>T</bold>his article deals with the emerging far right movements in Georgia, where the growing Europeanization process is taking place. Therefore, it aims to determine how relevant the European-experienced understanding of the far right with the similar movement political positions is. The article presents the stances of the members of far right movements (Georgian March, Anti-liberals, Georgian National Unity and Edelweiss) on foreign and identity policy and different socio-ethical issues, also assessed the neo-populist manner and belief in supremacy of the law. The conclusion summarizes the major characteristics of these far right movements in comparative way.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00162020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0020<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>This is a common knowledge that demographic trends in the EU Member States does not ensure the substitutability of generations. Trying to explain the situation we usually point at cultural changes. Presuming that everyone looks for a meaningful life that brings satisfaction and sense we shall ask if contemporary European perceive parenthood as an important condition of that kind of life. The aim of the article is to test the correlation between the life satisfaction and a low fertility rate in the European Union countries, in general, and in Poland, in particular. The relevant data were provided by the Eurobarometer and CBOS.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00202020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0018<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The purpose of the article is – firstly – to get an answer to the question of what image of Polish patriotism is offered by the Internet <italic>fake</italic>, <italic>like</italic> and hate, and secondly – to reflect on its causes and consequences for the Polish community. The text presents the results of the author’s own research with comments and conclusions. The presented research relied, in turn, on the content analysis of the memory narratives constructed by users of Polish patriotic accounts functioning on Facebook. More importantly, the analyses focused on both formal issues (the number of sites and their popularity), as well as substantive ones (issues discussed within a given website, threads raised and users’ opinions).</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00182020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0007<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The presented text addresses the issue of the influence of national diversity of eSports teams on their effectiveness in winning DOTA 2 games. The analyses were based on data concerning the entire population of teams participating in The International series tournaments. The results of the analyses confirm the hypothesis that teams with a strong national diversity, more often than teams with a high national homogeneity, achieve a high effectiveness coefficient and occupy a high place in the final classification of the analyzed tournaments.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00072020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0004<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Using conjunctural analysis and informed by insights drawn from critical whiteness studies, sport studies, and masculinity studies, I offer some developing interpretations on two inter-related questions. First, how sport has been used to cultivate and popularize the proto-fascist white nationalist project(s) currently gripping the United States. And second, how sport facilitates the production and popularization of the unapologetic and omnipotent performance of white masculinity that seems central to the popular appeal of this contemporary American white nationalist assemblage. To address these questions, I critically examine the patterned ways Donald Trump, first as candidate and then as President, has used sport to promote his white nationalist project. Additionally, I critically unpack the writings and performances of two white male cultural figures who are key figures within Trump nationalist assemblage. The first, Richard Spencer, coined the label ‘alternative right’. The second, National Football League superstar, Tom Brady, is a man who Trump loves to call a ‘good friend’. I contend that, like Trump, they venerate (in Spencer’s case) and normalize (in Brady’s case) an idealized performance of white masculinity I call white male omnipotence, that is central to explaining the appeal of Trump’s nationalist project to “Make America Great Again” for many anxious white Americans.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00042020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0009<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Football is the most popular game in Zimbabwe. Events and activities in this sport in many ways mirror the state of wider society in the country. This paper provides a grounded critique of how money, football and politics intersect through the lens of the Asiagate match-fixing scandal which engulfed post-2000 Zimbabwe. It utilizes reports and transcripts from the investigation to highlight the role of various actors in the match-fixing scandal including administrators, politicians, coaches, players, referees, and journalists. The paper argues that Asiagate needs to be understood in the context of the globalization of match-fixing and the socio-economic crises engulfing post-2000 Zimbabwe. The socio-economic crises characterized by widespread poverty and suffering left players vulnerable to match-fixers. The paper concludes that the politically connected and powerful players in the scandal were not held accountable and this has created precedence for the continued existence of match-fixing in Zimbabwean football.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00092020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0013<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>The author of the article undertakes an attempt to establish the reasons and manifestations of the increased importance of the religious factor in the policy of contemporary Turkey, as well as to capture the transformations taking place in Turkish religious policy. The author believes that the last-mentioned process strictly corresponds to the phenomena of withdrawal from the model of non-religious autocracy which was one of the main characteristics of Kemalism in favour of the model of a country which is de facto religious. This, in turn, becomes the emblem of Neoosmanism. The parliamentary and presidential elections of June 2018 confirmed the success of the AKP and Erdoğan, and determined the transition of Turkey from the parliamentary system to the presidential system. At that time, there is a propaganda offensive combining nationalist and Islamic slogans. The tangible proof of Turkey’s re-Islamization is the radical increase in the importance of Diyanet – the ministry of religious affairs. This institution also serves foreign policy, often referred to as mosque policy, due to the fact that its focus is put on marking the greatness of the Islamic Turkey around the world. In the research procedure, a method of critical analysis of the content of studies and the available sources were used.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00132020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0008<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Situated in the overall context of the ideals of the nation, this article outlines the formation of Anglo-Australian nationhood and its strong connection to sport, the historical treatment of Indigenous Australians as ‘others’, and the inherent racism within the nation and within sports systems. The vocal antagonism directed at a leading player who was also named Australian of Year is described and analyzed within the framework of conditional contemporary change, protests by the general public, and the emerging resistance by leading Indigenous Australians to Anglo-idealized nationhood.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00082020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-0014<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title><p>Mustafa Kemal Atatürk continues to stand firm as a major symbol of the Turkish republicanism, though there is little doubt that Turkey today undergoes deep transformation in the sphere of the relations between politics and religion. As Bernard Lewis explains, the Ottoman Turks identified with Islam so profoundly that they in fact submerged their identity in Islam. It is, therefore, only right and proper to inquire and pursue the theoretical foundations and origins of the Turkish laicism. Although Turkey constitutes a rare example of a Muslim country where laicism was instituted by its own authorities and not imposed on the country by the Western colonial powers, still, it is beyond doubt that the very idea of laicism is of the European origin and that it drew its inspirations from the range of ideas of the French Enlightment. It is the perspective that enables to understand fully the scope and depth of the reforms implemented in Turkey; it also elucidates the contemporary attempts to overcome the secularism and enforce the political re-Islamization of the state. The contemporary question on the place of religion in the political community is at the same time a question on the identity of Turkey.</p></abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2019-00142020-03-31T00:00:00.000+00:00en-us-1