rss_2.0Review of Nationalities FeedSciendo RSS Feed for Review of Nationalitieshttps://sciendo.com/journal/PNhttps://www.sciendo.comReview of Nationalities 's Coverhttps://sciendo-parsed-data-feed.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/632020285f236b78900e19fe/cover-image.jpg?X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&X-Amz-Date=20220927T210829Z&X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&X-Amz-Expires=604800&X-Amz-Credential=AKIA6AP2G7AKP25APDM2%2F20220927%2Feu-central-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&X-Amz-Signature=10e4c5607e5862257fd3f58c86adce185ec64d5183874ae4af9d4a479a90c9de200300Contemporary national movement and the problem of migrationhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0003<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The aim of the article is to present the position of the contemporary national movement towards the problem of the influx of immigrants to Europe, with a particular emphasis on the threats arising from this fact for Poland. The article uses opinion journalism, political programmes and the press of the contemporary national movement. Content analysis and, to a lesser extent, comparative studies were used as a research method.</p> <p>During the migration crisis, there was a strong protest against the attempt to accept a refugees into Poland. Activists of the national movement recorded a film Stop for Refugees in which they put forward the idea of holding a referendum during which Poles would decide whether to stop the influx of refugees.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00Book Review: Rafał Prostak, , Wydawnictwo Naukowe Chrześcijańskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Warszawie, Warszawahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0015ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00Integral Ukrainian nationalism in the comparative contexthttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0014<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This article presents main analytic problems that Victor Polishchuk tackles in his book <italic>Ideologia nacjonalizmu ukraińskiego</italic> [The Ideology of Ukrainian Nationalism]. Key features of integral Ukrainian nationalism in Dontsov’s version have been presented here on the background of the nationalisms of two neighbouring countries, Germany and Poland, in order to identify the similarities and differences between them in the realm of axiological systems.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00National self-identification of students of the Faculty of Orthodox Theology at the University of Warsaw (late 1920s-1930s)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0012<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>In the article, the data about national structure of students of Faculty of Orthodox Theology of the University of Warsaw in the late1920s-1930s is analyzed. The features of national self-identification of different groups of students are designated. Conclusions are made about the reasons for the disproportionate representation among future theologians of persons self-identifying as Russian and Orthodox Poles.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00Real breakthrough or pragmatic continuation? The Polish People’s Republic in the assessment of German diplomacy on the eve of imposing martial law in Poland – discussion theseshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0010<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The author of the following Contribution text was interested in whether December 13, 1981 – it means also the Martial Law in Poland – really changed anything for West Germany from the point of view of its own foreign policy. The answers of this Question, formulated on the basis of the Research in the political archives of the West German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, aim at explaining the reasons for the behavior of certain institutions or politicians in West Germany after the breakthrough of 1980-1981. The main Thesis of the author are: The West German primacy of stabilisation meant doing everything to avoid a soviet military intervention in Poland. How? Through diplomatic and military messages stating that the intervention would be too costly. Besides, in agreement with the US State Department, West Germany tried to avoid doing anything which could give the Communist Party of the Soviet Union arguments for an invasion. Last but not least, General Jaruzelski, as a figure publicly referring to national and patriotic feelings, but also enjoying some form of support in Moscow, was able to provide a difficult, but real stabilisation, even with the use of violence. The diplomacy of West Germany needed nothing more. Therefore was the message given to the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic after December 13 was crystal clear. Unless blood was shed, West Germany would not condemn General Jaruzelski’s government more than the country’s loyalty to NATO required it to.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00Mainstreaming the right-wing radicalism and extremism: basic approaches and perceptions from Georgian academiahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0002<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Unlike some European countries, the involvement of radical right-wing forces in Georgian politics and the support of a certain part of the society for them is a relatively new phenomenon in Georgia’s politics. This has resulted in a growing interest in the study of the topic among Georgian academic circles. However, the defining and applying the concepts of radicalism and extremism regarding Georgian right-wing forces are different. By comparing the major approaches to the concepts of right-wing radicalism and extremism this paper aims to critically review and analyze perceptions from Georgian academia.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00Ukrainian nationalism and Viktor Polishchuk as its historianhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0013<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The article deals with the problem of Ukrainian nationalism and its significance in Polish-Ukrainian relations. It considers the role of the Ukrainian Nationalist Organization (OUN) established in 1929, and its militia, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), and the genocide committed by these organizations and the Ukrainian population supporting them during the World War II on Poles living in the south-eastern voivodeships of the Second Polish Republic. At the same time, it presents the scientific achievements of the recently deceased Ukrainian political scientist and historian, Associate Professor Viktor Polishchuk, who, on over 2,579 pages of his works, documented the ideology, organizational structures and genocidal activity of those organizations which, according to the calculations of the Polish side, murdered about 200,000 Poles using the most atrocious methods. The article also lists very critical opinions of the Ukrainian bishop Khomyshyn on the contemporary Ukrainian nationalism, as well as detailed documentation of the crime of genocide carried out by the OUN and UPA on Poles as compiled within the five volumes listed in the bibliography.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00The national team – shaping the nation’s representation in footballhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0011<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The national football team represents the nation and speaks for it. The football team plays an important role in the reproduction of national identity and nationalism. It is also used as a tool of public diplomacy. The team is managed by the national football association, which is autonomous from the state authorities. Thanks to its dominant position, the national football association can impose its vision of the representation of the nation. However, the vision of the selector is not received passively. The composition of the national team – an important aspect of the team as a metonymy of the nation – is sometimes contested by the public, especially sports journalists or fans.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00Creedal Nationalism in early American labor movementshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0006<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>In the United States during the late 1820s, the labor movements formed that faced public accusations of being un-American and potentially puppets of European influence. These accusations often came from politicians or organizations sympathetic to ethnic nationalism. Partially in response to these charges, labor movements began to espouse versions of Creedal Nationalism. As a country without a natural nation, the United States has maintained for over two centuries two competing narratives within political ideologies concerning who should be allowed to be members of the American Nation. This paper presents research that continues to refine the history of Creedal Nationalism in the United States, a more precise construction of nation than the more ambiguous concept of civic nationalism. Specifically, the article is part of an effort to refine the usually vague and undocumented claims that social movements beginning in the late 1820s began using Creedal Nationalism to counter ethnic nationalism, using a mistaken or intentionally distorted interpretation of the Jeffersonian Creed of “all men are created equal”. While prominent uses by women’s and abolitionist movements are often cited (usually the same famous examples), the evidence of the use of Creedal Nationalism in public rhetoric by early labor associations is less documented. The ideological conflict between Creedal Nationalism and ethnic nationalism remains deeply embedded in American political culture and the political party system. The origins, development, and rhetoric of the category of Creedal Nationalism remain important for the framing of models of American political development and current political conflict.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00The Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR) and the armed resistance in Chile during the institutionalization of the dictatorship (1978-1990)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0005<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR) was a political-military organization of Marxist ideology which between 1978 and 1990 defined and deployed in Chile a strategy of armed struggle to confront the dictatorship led by Augusto Pinochet Ugarte. Its objective was to prevent the dictatorship from completing its project of re-founding Chilean society (economically, politically, socially and culturally) and, in this way, to advance towards the development of a socialist revolution.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00On the need to recognize the Greeks in Poland as a national minorityhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0009<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Members of the Greek community living in Poland are making efforts to obtain the status of a national minority. Their ancestors have been present on Polish lands since the Middle Ages. Over the centuries, Greeks played an important role in the development of economic and scientific life of Polish cities. They were co-creators of Polish culture, art, and animators of the development of Orthodox religious life. Nowadays, the Greek minority is a permanent element of the Polish society, cultivating its own national and religious traditions. Its representatives are political and local government activists. Through the created organizational structures, they emphasize and cultivate their own national identity. The Greeks in Poland meet all the legal requirements for recognition as a national minority.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00Framing as modus operandi for social movements: The case of Black Lives Matterhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0001<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>From a symbolic and cultural approach to the social movements, framing theory has contributed to explain meanings and strategies for mobilization. Also, the theory has evolved in the media research, and media frames have to be also considered in the collective action. This paper clarifies how frames work in this context and describes their ability to give legitimization and congruence to the movement. The case of Black Lives Matter is an example of the use of framing and its consequences for the movement.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00Sami identity in the face of climate changehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0004<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Global warming is accelerating, thus irreversibly changing the human environment, and most of the measures taken to halt this phenomenon seem to be the result of wishful thinking. Policies meant to combat climate change fail to bring about the desired effect. Arctic indigenous peoples are particularly vulnerable to climate change, and their cultural identity is under threat. However, owing to the actions taken by state authorities and European Union institutions, there is a chance that the Sami languages will be preserved.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00The consequences of the 1989 changes in the socio-political activity of Lemkos in Poland and the United States of Americahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0007<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>During the communist period, the Lemko community did not have its own separate ethnic organization in Poland. In the USA, the Lemkos were able to conduct social and political activities without any obstacles. Even before World War II, two important organizations were established: the Russophile Lemko-Soyuz and the Ukrainophile Organization for the Defense of Lemkivshchyna in America. The social and political transformation initiated by the elections of June 1989 changed the situation of national and ethnic minorities. The period of political transformation in Poland also activated the Lemkos, who also took advantage of these changes to formalize and develop their activities. The first postwar Lemko organization was the Lemko Association. As a counterbalance for Lemkos Association, Ukrainophiles created in Gorlice their own organization – Union of Lemkos. American activists also had to find their way in the new political circumstances. When the Soviet Union collapsed, not only did the ideological base of Lemko-Soyuz fall into ruin, but also its financial base. OOL found itself in a much better position than Lemko-Soyuz during the period of political transition in Eastern Europe. The anti-Moscow stance of the Ukrainianophile organization allowed it to remain credible and continue to fight for the interests of Ukraine. However, the organizations, both Polish and American, in their multifaceted activity still contribute to consolidation and preservation of Lemkos’ cultural identity and preservation of their traditions.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00Conditions of the foundation of Ukrainian nationalismhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2021-0008<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The consequences of implementing the assumptions of the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism were especially tragic for the Polish population living in Volhynia and Eastern Lesser Poland. The number of Poles murdered by the OUN-UPA and other armed Ukrainian nationalist formations in 1939-1948 is not known exactly, but it is estimated that it was from 80,000 to 150,000 people. This article is an attempt to answer the question of what the determinants of Ukrainian nationalism were. For this purpose, it refers to the historical, civilization and cultural background on which the Ukrainian soul have been shaped for centuries. This foundation prepared the space for the emergence of a criminal ideology, and then for its implementation.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-09-12T00:00:00.000+00:00The historical background of Catalan separatism: The case of Occitaniahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2020-0011<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The purpose of this study is to discuss the originality of the Catalan literature at its beginnings in relation to the poetry of the Occitan troubadours, and to explain why some Catalans today do not feel connected to the Castilian heritage. The paper presents the Occitan-Catalan political and cultural relations in the time between 993 and 1213, with particular emphasis on the 12th century when the Great Occitan War took place. The historical Occitania at that time was divided into numerous principalities affected by constant internal struggles. That unstable political situation encouraged powerful neighbours – as the rulers from the House of Barcelona – to attain their domination over the region. The successful military and diplomatic engagements of the Catalan sovereigns allowed them to create a relatively homogeneoas Occitan-Catalan community based on cultural similarity and feudal dependence.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-21T00:00:00.000+00:00Sovereignty of Member States in New European Pact for Migration and Asylumhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2020-0017<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The author of the article attempts to analyze the consequences for Member States’ sovereignty arising from the European asylum system reform and harmonization proposed in September 2020 by the European Commission. The author believes that so-called solidarity mechanism, however designed with intention of burden sharing and help, <italic>de facto</italic> has the potential to become migrant relocation mechanism. That argument is already being raised by Member States that are opposing the European Commission’s proposal. According to them, the proposal violates rules guaranteeing Member States’ rights to determine volumes of admissions of the third country nationals, explicitly expressed in the Treaty on the European Union. The author also notices that decision-making power on the relocations is transferred to the Commission, leaving limited flexibility in gesture of Member States. Without being opposed to subsidiarity principle itself, the article questions whether the details of the Commission’s proposal are not actually against the principle and certain elements, like effective return, are not better achieved at the national level. In the research procedure, a method of critical analysis of the content of studies and the available sources was used.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-21T00:00:00.000+00:00How does secessionism end? No-win scenarios for contemporary American secessionist movementshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2020-0004<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The purpose of this paper is to attempt to characterize the American secessionist movement in the 21st century. In spite of the fact that all ideas of self-determination in the U.S. are not welcomed by the federal government in Washington and as a consequence are dying on the vine, they have still reborn in subsequent separatist and secessionist initiatives. An analysis of the goals, sizes and motivations of contemporary secessionist groups in the United States will lead to the main goal of the paper, which is to answer the question about the types of strategies chosen by American secessionists in the situation of the obvious failure of their overarching political goal - independence. As it turns out, a significant part of such groups in a situation of collision of their own political dreams with the harsh conditions of American Realpolitik does not give up and continues their activities in a slightly modified form. Understanding the scenarios accompanying this ideological and organizational change, as well as exemplifying the groups that have decided to implement these scenarios in recent years will be the crucial goal of the paper.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-21T00:00:00.000+00:00The rise of independence feelings in Catalonia and Scotland. A longitudinal study on the profile of independence in the beginning of the 21st centuryhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2020-0005<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The following article aims to make headway on the knowledge related to the elements that explain the steep increase of secessionist nationalism during the 21 st century in the peripheral territories of plurinational Western long-established democracies, such as the ones existing in the United Kingdom and Spain. In order to do so, we will be focusing on the quick change observed in the preferences as to the state territorial organization in Catalonia and Scotland. Through the usage of the logistic regression technique, a longitudinal analysis will be carried out to analyze the principal characteristics of the Catalonian and Scottish independence profile throughout the period comprehended between 1999 and 2016.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-21T00:00:00.000+00:00Election of Bishop Bazyli (Doroszkiewicz) as the Metropolitan of the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church as part of the religious policy of the Polish statehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/pn-2020-0020<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The election of superiors in the Polish Autocephalous Orthodox Church was one of the key elements in the religious policy of the communist authorities. The new superiors were expected to be full of loyalty and closely cooperate and support the social and political changes taking place. The rulers wanted the bishops and the Orthodox clergy to take full control. The way to do this was to influence the selection of a suitable candidate for the position of a metropolitan. The choice of a superior appointed by the authorities was to fully guarantee the realization of tasks important from the point of view of the multilateral activity of the state.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-05-21T00:00:00.000+00:00en-us-1