rss_2.0Sciendo RSS Feed for Polish Political Science Reviewhttps://sciendo.com/journal/PPSRhttps://www.sciendo.comhttps://sciendo-parsed.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/6473430d31838d21ed059f5b/cover-image.jpghttps://sciendo.com/journal/PPSR140216https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0016<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Participatory budgeting is a popular democratic innovation used for engaging citizens in public decision-making, enabling meaningful participation in the allocation of public funding. Dating back to the 1980s it gained a momentum in the beginning of 21st century, soon becoming a mainstream tool for local governance in many parts of the world. Today the concept seems to lose its initial impetus, mainly due to the decreasing number of submitted projects and declining voter turnout. This paper presents a case study conducted in Wałbrzych (Poland) — a city having a continuous participatory budgeting programme since 2013/2014. A research workshop organised for municipality representatives in 2023 enabled an in-depth analysis of the recent dynamics of participatory processes in the city. The results offer an indicative diagnosis of the challenges faced by the city followed by the search for possible solutions. They also enable a critical review of the state of the art regarding the issues experienced in implementing participatory budgeting worldwide.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00162025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0017<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This article presents the results of research on the electoral system for local government organs. The research focused on three elements of the electoral system: the procedures for ordering elections, the dates of voting and the length of the local government’s term of office. The aim of the analysis is to describe how the local government electoral system changed in these three areas between 1990 and 2024 and to identify and explain the reasons for the changes. The article includes extensions of the self-government’s term of office until the end of April 2024.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00172025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0015<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The article proposes a technique for conducting intelligence analysis aimed at developing analytical products. It consists of three stages: formulating analytical questions, stakeholder analysis, and systemic analysis using fuzzy cognitive mapping. The approach integrates theoretical concepts from political science, international relations, and security studies, operationalizing them with structured analytic techniques. The distinction between research and analysis of foreign policy is emphasized, with a focus on the latter’s practical application in decision-making. The proposed procedure aims to support the analytical process while acknowledging the importance of critical thinking and source scrutiny. The article concludes by advocating for empirical research to verify the effectiveness of structured analytical techniques and bridge the gap between academia and practical intelligence work.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00152025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0009<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>TVP Polonia adapted its programming to the war in Ukraine, focusing on the conflict’s impact, particularly on its compatriots living there, by centring much of its content around the ongoing crisis.As one of the few Polish TV stations, it had the opportunity to work with journalists permanently living in Ukraine. The aim of the study is to describe the media image of Polish-Ukrainian relations during the war in Ukraine in the television broadcast of the program “Studio Lviv” carried out by Polish journalists in Lviv. The material for analysis was selected on the basis of the following criteria: (1) temporal, the year of the war (February 2022-February 2023) a total of 50 archived episodes and (2) issues concerning the war and Polish-Ukrainian relations (in the area of topics and visualisation of communication about the war). The content analysis research is in the nature of a media-culturalist perspective (according to Denis McQualin), in which media communication gives priority to the content and form of the media message. In the area of form, the mechanisms of audiovisual message construction were indicated, while in the area of content, the research material was categorised in four main contexts located in the area of Polish-Ukrainian relations: social, historical, cultural and political contexts. Analysis of the research material showed a clear dominance in the program of the subject matter of the war in Ukraine after the outbreak of war on 24 February 2022. The perspective of Polish journalists determined the way of telling about the situation of Ukraine during the Russian onslaught and Polish-Ukrainian relations. Exposing dialogue and cooperation confirmed the hypothesis that the message of the Polish-American TV magazine on public television created a positive image of Polish-Ukrainian relations.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00092025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0014<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>In recent years, Poland has seen an increase in ideological and political polarisation. Society is divided into various dichotomies, the largest of which is the division between the two dominant political groups in Poland: Law and Justice and the Civic Platform. Polarisation is clearly visible on social networking sites, where users do not hide their views and often conduct discussions on the Internet in a very aggressive way. The aim of this study is to characterise the polarisation among comments published by YouTube users in the context of videos featuring Volodymyr Zelensky. For this purpose, Internet users’ comments posted under five different audiovisual materials published on YouTube by five different publishers were analysed. Both quantitative and qualitative analysis (content analysis) were used to show what types of comments appeared in the context of Russia’s armed attack on Ukraine. Various types of videos were examined (from interviews, through official speeches, to parodies), allowing us to illustrate Internet users’ statements in the context of various genres of recordings. A total of 650 comments were analysed. It was found that polarisation was visible in the analysed material. Dualism is formed on the axis of pro- and anti-Ukrainian and pro- and anti-Russian. Most posts deepen polarisation by affirming the actions of the side they consider closer to themselves. The conflict between defenders of both sides ranges from insulting opposing views to insulting other authors. The discussion also included comments expressing hate speech. There was a noticeable deficit of comments toning down or calming emotions. The study therefore shows that online discussions about materials involving President Volodymyr Zelensky are characterised by a high level of polarisation, vulgarisation and hate speech.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00142025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0019<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Burundi’s internal conflict has continued since independence in 1962. Its subsequent phase erupted in 1993 after the assassination of democratically elected President Melchior Ndadaye, lasted more than a decade, and resulted in the collapse of the country’s economy. Democratic parliamentary and presidential elections were not held until 2005. The period under then-elected President Nkurunziza (2005–2020) will go down in history as marked by the difficult economic situation and the persecution of political opponents. The change of president in 2020 provided an opportunity to reverse unfavourable development trends, but the assessment of President Melchior Ndayishimiye’s leadership does not provide grounds for optimism. The main purpose of this paper (conducted in the form of a case study) is to analyse the current socio-political situation in Burundi, along with an attempt to answer questions about the chances of ending the conflict, avoiding the threat of its internationalization in the region, and effectively rebuilding the country. Awareness of the state’s poor condition constructs the main research hypothesis of the article, that the flawed leadership of the last two presidents is resulting in measurable negative effects on the state’s post-conflict reconstruction processes and its economic development. The study, in accordance with the accepted premise of conducting qualitative research, has been prepared based on a critical analysis of sources, reports of institutions and non-governmental organizations, data from rankings of reputable think tanks, as well as based on the literature on the genesis and course of the internal crisis in Burundi. The study confirmed that the lack of stable governance and a responsible leader with the will to bring peace and a policy of stable development, translated into the country’s dire economic situation and the low standard of living of its citizens.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00192025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0012<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The article aims to analyse how the Onet.pl website presents the process of experiencing the reality of war by Ukrainians and Russians affected by this conflict. The subject of the analysis is the materials presenting the individual stories of ordinary citizens of Ukraine and Russia suffering the consequences of the war. The corpus of materials selected as a result of the content analysis included 99 texts published on the most opinion-forming portal in Poland, Onet.pl, in the first half of 2024. The adopted theoretical and methodological perspective included the theory of representation and the concept of framing. The conducted analysis aimed to answer the following research questions: 1). What categories of people do the stories presented in Onet.pl materials concern? 2). What types of war experiences do Onet’s editors choose to present to Polish audiences? 3). What general image of the Russian-Ukrainian war shapes or can shape the ways of presenting the stories of individuals who are experiencing the war reality? As a result of the research, eight dominant frames were identified: the suffering frame, the escape frame, the activity frame, the change/other world frame, the clash of civilizations frame, the moral activity frame, the women’s frame, and the children’s frame.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00122025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0008<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This paper examines how Polish media managers have navigated issues related to Ukraine and Poland’s Ukrainian community during both pre-war and wartime periods. The study aims to uncover the specific practices of diversity management employed during this time by analysing actual media strategies in use. It is based on a~thematic analysis of 16 in-depth interviews with media managers, conducted at three critical points: one month before the war (five interviews), immediately a˙er its onset (eight interviews), and approximately one year later (three interviews). This methodology captures the shi˙ing perspectives of editors as the war progressed. The analysis identified key thematic categories, framed through the lens of diversity management in the media. These categories include (1) selection of (co)workers, (2) editorial management (planning, topic selection, and omission; news acquisition and verification; psychological support and language), (3) media managers’ perceptions of Poles’ attitudes toward Russians, Belarusians, and non-Ukrainian residents, (4) audiences, and (5) corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives of media companies.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00082025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0013<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The Ukrainian-Russian war (2022-ongoing) has been associated with the issue of war refugees from the very beginning. The problem has aroused a very strong social response in Poland not only in the form of mass aid, but also differences of opinions in society. The aim of the study was to determine the specifics of the discourse on Ukrainian refugees in the two most popular Polish online tabloids: “Fakt” and “Super Express”. The analysis included two dimensions of discourse: openness, dialogic and divisive, polarising. Various dimensions of discourse were analysed: social, cultural, economic, and political. The study was conducted using hybrid methods. Based on data provided by the Brand24 platform, the first stage determined the number of articles containing the keyword “refugees” in the studied tabloids. Real Users (RU) rankings and the so-called Influencer Score were used to identify these media. Next, a discourse analysis of textual media materials from the first month of the war was conducted. The materials studied were the most influential articles from tabloids (423 items), dating back to the first month of the war. The study showed that open discourse takes the form of (1) emphatic, (2) agitating for duty, and (3) aid discourse. In contrast, the divisive discourse takes the form of (1) crisis and (2) polarisation discourse.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00132025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0011<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The Russian-Ukrainian conflict, which began in 24 February 2022, is widely covered in the Polish media. One of the forms of journalistic communication is reportage — a factual genre allowing for a multi-aspect presentation of events. The aim of this article is to present the specifics of the war in Ukraine narrative in Polish reportage. The media materials come from the years 2022–2024. The press texts were selected through a search of opinion weeklies “Polityka” and „Newsweek”, while audio reports come from the collection of the Polish Radio Reportage and Documentary Studio and Radio 357. Following the content analysis, four narrative perspectives were identified: everyday life in wartime, military, refugee and solidarity. The analysis of the lexical components shows that the war in Ukraine narrative in Polish press and radio reportage is in-depth, exposing the individual’s personal experience and emotionally engaging. It constitutes a segment of qualitative coverage of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in the Polish media.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00112025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0020ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00202025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0010<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The conflict and relations between Poland and Ukraine are an important aspect of the geopolitical reality of Central and Eastern Europe. In the context of changing political, economic and social dynamics, the media play a key role in shaping public opinion and reporting on events between these two countries. In the article, we will analyse the role of the media in the context of the political and economic relations between Poland and Ukraine, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. We will focus on how the Polish media present the conflict, and its impact on cooperation and interactions between the two countries. The article will also present the potential impact the media representation of the conflict may have on international relations, including diplomacy, economic cooperation and regional integration. By analysing this issue, we will try to determine the role of the media as a factor influencing the perception and understanding of the relationship between Poland and Ukraine and the need for a critical approach to media narratives in the context of building common understanding and cooperation between the two countries. The content analysis will cover selected issues of weekly magazines representing various sides of the political scene: <italic>Polityka</italic>, <italic>Newsweek</italic> and <italic>Sieci</italic>.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00102025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0018<abstract><title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>In the study of political systems, equilibrium stands as a cornerstone, underpinning stability and legitimacy. As we navigate the third decade of the 21st century, amid growing threats to democratic validity, it becomes crucial to re-examine this equilibrium principle. Even established democracies like the USA aren’t immune to the pitfalls of polarization, tribalization, and radicalization. In this text, we aim to explore the resilience of equilibrium in the face of these destabilizing trends. Equilibrium, traditionally viewed as a cohesive product of political competition coming as if naturally, is a mark of consolidated democracy. Yet today, as even robust democracies face internal crises, strained by polarization and fragmentation, the concept of equilibrium evolves to become a <italic>compound equilibrium</italic> consisting of disjointed axes of conflict, each seeking its individual balance. Such systems necessitate greater leadership intervention or require new rules and processes to restore cohesion. In this text we pose numerous questions about the way this process of fragmentation is overcome and compound equilibrium achieved. Interestingly, some of the measures call on limiting rather than enhancing democracy. The analysis has its historical context. Post-Cold War America exemplifies the notion that more democracy doesn’t necessarily equate to stronger democracy. While the focus here is primarily on the American system, as more democratic nations adopt its practices (such as debates and primaries), it’s hoped that insights from the USA can shed light on how democracies globally might respond to internal and external challenges to their equilibrium.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00182025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0021ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00212025-01-09T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0005<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The main purpose of this paper is to rationally reconstruct Nozick’s account of unproductivity, especially <italic>vis-à-vis</italic> his characteristically libertarian, and hence uncompromising, ban on fraud. We posit that, when Nozick’s theory is interpreted charitably, it does not yield to contradictory prescriptions concerning permissibility. That is, there does not have to be any inconsistency in the Nozickian ban on certain exchanges, with the ban tracking two properties of the said exchanges; that is, either (1) their unproductivity or (2) their fraudulence. When analyzing economic exchanges, our interest is focused on both productive and unproductive <italic>blackmail</italic> exchanges. However, we suggest that Nozick’s banning exchanges along the lines of their unproductivity tallies poorly with his avowed libertarianism since his position predicts prohibiting unproductive and yet non-fraudulent exchanges. Hence, and we suggest resolving the said tension in a principled libertarian (deontological) manner; that is, by banning <italic>fraudulent exchanges</italic> and allowing <italic>non-fraudulent</italic> ones, <italic>ceteris paribus</italic>, while submitting that the properties of exchanges such that <italic>being productive</italic> or <italic>being unproductive</italic> are morally inert.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00052024-06-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0007ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00072024-06-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0002<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Hybrid regimes are characterised by a balancing act between democracy and authoritarianism, with neither political regime type being dominant. The balancing of the state between democratic and non-democratic modes of functioning can take the form of a state transforming from authoritarianism to democracy and a form of regression from democracy to authoritarianism, when the democratic system is upset by non-democratic mechanisms. The functioning of the political system in Ukraine during the years 1996–2004 was such that the authoritarian aspects of Ukraine’s hybrid regime overshadowed its democratic elements. Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way (2002; 2013) refer to this phenomenon as “competitive authoritarianism”. This term denotes regimes where authoritarian features are more prevalent than democratic ones, according to the concept. Since 2004, the Ukrainian political system has transitioned towards a hybrid regime that places more emphasis on democratic characteristics. In the following twenty years, the Ukrainian hybrid regime was transformed between democratic-authoritarian hybrid regime (as a result of the events of the “Orange Revolution”, and the “Revolution of Dignity”) and authoritarian-democratic hybrid regime (during presidency L. Kuchma and V. Yanukovych). The hybridity of the political regime also translated into the functioning of the chief state bodies. The aim of this study was to find an answer to the question whether and to what extent did the hybridity of Ukraine’s political regime imply on the specificity of the functioning of the institutions of the prime minister and government in the state. The research hypothesis is that the hybridity of the Ukrainian political regime, as a stage of transition from authoritarianism to democracy, partly contributed to changing the traditional order of functioning of the institutions of prime minister and government in the state just formally losing the head of state’s dominant role in the process of government functioning.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00022024-06-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0001<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This scientific article examines the system of electoral districting in the 2023 Sejm elections and its impact on the principle of equality of representation. The main objectives of the study are to analyse the relationship between the principle of equality of representation and electoral districting in Sejm elections, evaluate the compliance of current constituency boundaries with this principle, and assess the potential consequences of any changes in districting in the 2023 Sejm elections in terms of electoral representation. The research questions guiding this study are as follows: (1) How should constituencies be determined for the 2023 Sejm elections and what legal criteria should be applied in electoral districting? (2) Does the current districting system align with the principle of equality of representation? (3) Are there disparities in the size or demographics of constituencies that could result in unequal representation in the Sejm? (4) What are the potential implications of the current districting system for the representation of different political parties? (5) How do alternative scenarios of districting affect the principle of equality of representation in the context of the 2023 Sejm elections? The research employs an institutional-legal analysis, along with statistical data analysis and simulations, to model alternative districting scenario and evaluate their effects on the principle of equality of representation. The findings of this study contribute to a comprehensive understanding of the implications of districting on the principle of equality of representation in the 2023 Sejm elections. The research emphasises the significance of fair districting for ensuring equal representation and provides valuable recommendations for policymakers.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00012024-06-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0006ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00062024-06-27T00:00:00.000+00:00https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-0003<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Since 2012, the Republic of Serbia has been governed by the Serbian Progressive Party, and since 2017 its chairman has also been the president, who has full power in his hands. In the first years after taking power, this group implemented a policy that could have been surprising to public opinion, considering the fact that it separated from the Serbian Radical Party. The negotiations on Kosovo, which brought a number of agreements, the diplomatic offensive that created Serbia as a European partner and regional hegemon, dynamic progress in the EU accession process and the promotion of Western European values were the elements that noticeably exposed the change in the image of this country in relation to the previous decades. However, the second term of government began to fit into the pattern of the global phenomenon of populism, leading to the ruling group taking over the structures of the separation of powers and limiting democracy in the country. Subsequent general elections brought the strengthening of this party in the structures of the state, whose level of democracy was rated increasingly lower in international rankings. Moreover, the political system of Serbia itself began to be presented in scientific and expert analyses as an example of stabilitocracy. The aim of this topic is to analyse the specific power of President Aleksander Vučić and his party in relation to shaping the state’s multi-vector foreign policy.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2024-00032024-06-27T00:00:00.000+00:00en-us-1