rss_2.0Polish Political Science Review FeedSciendo RSS Feed for Polish Political Science Reviewhttps://sciendo.com/journal/PPSRhttps://www.sciendo.comPolish Political Science Review Feedhttps://sciendo-parsed.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/6473430d31838d21ed059f5b/cover-image.jpghttps://sciendo.com/journal/PPSR140216Citizenship and Gender. Suggestions for Making Citizenship More Responsivehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0012<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The category of citizenship is presented as gender-neutral and citizens are considered as individuals abstracted from bodiliness and gender roles. Such universalism fosters practices of invisibility of the inequalities hidden in citizenship. For although legally all citizens are equal, they have unequal access to resources, power, and privilege. Gender is also a determining factor in the allocation of rights and responsibilities. The aim of this paper is to show the exclusionary dimension of citizenship contained in the universalist interpretation. To achieve this, a hermeneutic analysis is made of political theory and political thought texts referring to the idea of citizenship. The article consists of two main parts. The first discusses the inclusive and exclusive potential of citizenship as a political community. The second presents feminist theories of citizenship, such as gender-neutral citizenship, gender-differentiated citizenship, and gender-pluralist citizenship. Adding new elements to the definition makes it possible to take into account the differences between people that affect their relationship with the state and to address the transformations that the idea itself is undergoing.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00122023-12-22T00:00:00.000+00:00The Anti-Gender Movement and Its Central and East European Main Actorshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0013<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This paper focuses on the anti-gender movement in Central and Eastern Europe, as a part of the global phenomenon. Based on both the subject literature and the author’s own research, it points out its anti-democratic character and its role in de-democratizing change in the region. Although the main features and strategies of the movement are common on the global or European levels, its developments in the CEE region are unique: the state policies incorporate the political agenda of the anti-gender movement or even the actors of the anti-gender movement effectively affect the state policies. As the main actors apply the strategy of staying behind the curtain and steering from the backseat, the main research problem lies in revealing their role, which is why the most successful analyses result from combining local research with the international exchange of findings and comparative analysis. The anti-gender movement in the CEE region has succeeded in two main fields: anti- abortion and anti-LGBT+ policies, and these two fields are taken into account in the paper, while the others are only mentioned. State homophobia is associated with Putin’s Russia, especially after February 24, 2022, it is also typical for several countries of the CE region, including European Union member states. Strict anti-abortion law has been developed in Poland, which is why author’s research focuses on this aspect. The case study analysis of Ordo Iuris, the Polish flagship of the local anti-gender movement, offers a significant example of a local level of the anti gender network.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00132023-12-22T00:00:00.000+00:00The Challenges of Enforcing Public Accountability: Experience from Tanzaniahttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0014<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This article explores some challenges of enforcing public accountability in Tanzania using secondary data. In so doing, the article employs the institutional perspective to identify and discuss five challenges within the institutional architecture that constrain enforcement of public accountability. The main argument is that most of the challenges facing enforcement of public accountability are resulting from the institutional architecture, which presents a paradox of two contradictory logics. One logic is that citizens are the principals with the power to hold their leaders accountable. The other logic is that the ability of citizens to hold their leaders to account must be restricted. Previous research offers explanations for accountability deficits in Tanzania. However, these studies under emphasize the contradictions in the legal framework and the role of political culture thereby obscuring an understanding of constraints to public accountability in Tanzania. This article expands this discourse by exploring the contradictions within the legal framework and between the formal and informal institutions in a way that subverts the ability of citizens to hold their leaders to account. The article also identifies the gap between the theory and practice of accountability to appreciate the role of political culture among citizens as a significant agency in enforcing accountability.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00142023-12-22T00:00:00.000+00:00Penal Policy on Combatting the Offense of Contacting a Minor Via ICT Systems and Telecommunications Networks in Polandhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0017<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The material scope of the research problem in the text encompasses selected issues concerning the content and sense of the elements characterizing the offense of establishing contact with a minor via ICT systems and telecommunications networks (also referred to as “grooming”) under Polish criminal law. In the legislation currently in force the offense of grooming is criminalized under Art. 200a §1–2 of the Criminal Code. The main purpose of the analysis is to perform a substantive criminal examination of the offense of grooming under Polish law, taking into account a practical case study. The analysis contained in the text is chiefly an overview, and includes mainly an institutional and legal analysis performed with the aid of textual, functional and doctrinal interpretations, which have been supplemented with the author’s own conclusions and opinions concerning de lege lata and de lege ferenda solutions. The institutional and legal analysis has been supplemented with an abstract case study of grooming. The presented abstract case study is helpful in considering selected legal problems, and ultimately in presenting example legal classifications of the described acts referred to as grooming.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00172023-12-22T00:00:00.000+00:00Changes of Polish Democracy and their Impact on Polish Belarusianshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0016<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The Belarusian minority in Poland is the second largest national minority, almost entirely concentrated in Podlasie. Qualitative research conducted by our team in 2020 allowed diagnosis of the reasons for the “invisibility” of Belarusians. The Polish state’s policy has always influenced the mood of Belarusians who, despite being passive in creating their own political representation, are often identified as the electorate of left-wing parties. Currently, eight years after the 2015 elections won by the PiS party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, Law and Justice), Podlaskie Voivodeship is sometimes referred to as a “bastion of the right”, especially of extreme right-wing forces. The aim of the paper is to determine the impact of the current political situation on the sense of identity of the Belarusian minority by referring to the results of the National Census of 2002 and 2011, as well as the circumstances and results of the 2021 census. The analysis pays attention to factors such as historical policy, religion, and axiology, which determine the “borderland identity”. The research method used is primarily a comparative method, but we also applied the results of interviews based on scenarios, conducted in selected Podlasie municipalities with at least 50% of Polish Belarusians.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00162023-12-22T00:00:00.000+00:00Report of the “Euarenas Conference on the Radical Side of Participation”, Wrocław, 22.09.2023https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0019ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00192023-12-22T00:00:00.000+00:00Book Review: “Leksykon Mediacji”, Edited By Magdalena Cetera & Magdalena Tabernacka, Published By Difin Sp. Z O.O, Warszawa 2023 Isbn 978-83-8270-192-0https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0018ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00182023-12-22T00:00:00.000+00:00Russian False Religious Accusations of Ukrainianshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0015<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The text provides a summary of several months of research on Russian false religious accusations against Ukrainians (Satanists, Satan) and actions (de-Satanization, Holy war, Jihad). Only the essential elements required for the conceptual analysis of the insufficiency of existing explications will be presented. The extensive evidence supporting the existence, falseness, and characteristics of the accusations will be supplied where necessary for the analysis. The analysis requires certain preliminary clarifications, namely: the evidence of the existence, falseness, and other attributes of the Russian accusations (section 1), the description and analysis of the most plausible explanations regarding the motives behind the accusations (section 2), and an argument highlighting the insufficiency of these explanations, which includes logical, factual, clinical, and interpretative objections (section 3). The underlying reason for the insufficiency of explanations can be attributed to various possibilities, some of which include the peculiarity of the phenomenon itself, particularly within the context of Russia, as well as the absence of applicable models for seemingly similar contemporary and historical phenomena such as a lack of democratic practices (section 3.2).</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00152023-12-22T00:00:00.000+00:00Accession of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the East African Community — A Threat to Regional Security or an Opportunity for the Peacebuilding Process?https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0007<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The East African Community (EAC) is a regional intergovernmental organisation founded in 1999. It has proved to be successful in improving the economic growth of its member states; it also supports the security of individual member states and the stability of the entire region. The stabilisation capabilities of the Community have been tested through the accession of South Sudan in 2016. The experience of the past six years indicates that the decision to admit South Sudan into the community should be assessed positively, especially in terms of the peacebuilding process in this state. On the 8th April 2022, the Democratic Republic of Congo was admitted to the EAC. Anchoring in a regional block that has been proving its stability for over a dozen years can reduce poverty and spur development in the DRC, both in terms of its economic and political dimensions. This, in turn, in a favourable political environment, can in the future translate into good governance and the building of civil society. For the East African Community, however, the accession of the Democratic Republic of Congo poses a major challenge. The DRC brings a number of unresolved political problems, raising questions about whether the potential gains will outweigh the threat to the stability of the region and the maintenance of the current pace of integration processes. The aim of the article is to try to answer questions about the causes and potential consequences of the decision to carry out this surprising accession process. The analysis presented, a brief case study, attempts to explain that the political rationale behind this decision is not justified by geographical and historical considerations.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00072023-06-20T00:00:00.000+00:00Carrots Without Sticks: Cycling Policy of Mediumsized Polish Citieshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0004<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Development of cycling infrastructure is becoming a global trend in urban policies. High congestion, mitigating smog and CO2 reduction have led to the re-birth of cycling as a significant mode of urban mobility. The article aims to present the response of medium-sized Polish cities (ranging from 100.000 to 200.000 residents) to these challenges, which are among the most important problems to solve within the next decades. The study analyses the cycling policy of Polish cities, showing the dynamic increase in kilometres of cycle paths constructed (often built alongside street renovation projects), as well as the boom in bike-sharing programmes. Shortcomings such as the lack of consistency in realisation and varied implementation in different cities and culturally ingrained preference for cars, related to historical experiences of post-communist cities, are also outlined. The Polish approach is the cautious policy of carrots without sticks, in which solutions facilitating bicycle travel are not followed up by deterrents against using cars. As a result, there are no political conflicts and opposition regarding this issue, but the numbers of cyclists (although increasing) is still lower than in the world’s leading bicycle cities.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00042023-06-20T00:00:00.000+00:00“Once Again Into the Breach” of the Debate About “Polity” in Aristotle’s Political Teaching: Another Closer Look at Politics 4 Chapters 12 and 13https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0001<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This paper offers a reexamination of Aristotle’s <italic>Politics</italic> 4, chapter 12–13—the so-called account of polity or the mixed regime. Aristotle suggests that the forthcoming discussion delves into either the optimal governing system in general or the most prevalent form of governance across various cities. However, upon closer examination of <italic>Politics</italic> 4.12–13, a distinct perspective emerges. Working off the account of the <italic>meso</italic> (the middle) of <italic>Politics</italic> 4.11, in 12–13 we are not offered an account of the best practical regime, that is of a specific regime form. Instead, Aristotle presents an account on how regimes can achieve moderation and harmony—that is stability. So instead of an account of a specific regime type, we get an account of what moderates and stabilizes regimes generally.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00012023-06-20T00:00:00.000+00:00Tactics and Principles: A Contribution to Dobrogeanu-Gherea’s Interpretation of Anarchism with Reference to ‘Legal Socialism’https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0002<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Early socialism from the second half of 19th century Romania is experiencing a systematic comeback among historians and social scientists. The works of Constantin Dobrogeanu-Gherea, the founding father of Romanian Marxism, occupy a central place in this newfound attention towards the origins and struggles of socialism in Romania. This paper addresses Gherea’s interpretation of anarchism on par with his doctrine of ‘legal socialism’. Its purpose is to prove how anarchism acts as a more than tactical catalyzer for legal socialism, placing the latter not necessarily on a new ideological perspective, but further on the terrain of Romanian political status-quo of late 19th and early 20th century Romania. Although more principled than tactical, Gherea’s repudiation of anarchism in progressively unsubstantial Marxist terms has also led to tactical shortcomings. This was the case of the first Romanian socialist party, which was dissolved and absorbed after only six years of existence within the ascending liberal party.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00022023-06-20T00:00:00.000+00:00Words that Matter: Donald Trump’s Twitter Communication in the Pre-COVID-19 Periodhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0005<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The goal of this study was to test the result presented by Stolee and Caton (2018) that former President of the United States Donald Trump primarily addressed his devoted electorate via Twitter. In the empirical setup, we referred to the theoretical concepts of a politician’s base and of an ‘echo chamber’ and the theories of populist leaders’ communication. The regression techniques were applied to determine the relationship between the popularity, measured as the number of “favorites” and “retweets”, and the frequency of words representing 16 topics. The topics connected to Trump’s self-praise, critique of opponents, the issue of immigration, and dealings with rival countries increased the popularity of the tweets. Surprisingly, tweets including the topics connected to crucial issues for the American public did not attract much interest. These results are in line with the theory of Stolee and Caton and may indicate that followers were not interested in the substantive content of the President’s posts. The results also confirm our hypothesis that while Trump’s message had a populist character, he primarily addressed his devoted electorate, not the wider audience.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00052023-06-20T00:00:00.000+00:00Cities as a Transnational Institutional Bypass of Nation-Stateshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0006<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The paper will explore the significance of the role cities play in transnational institutional bypass of nation-States. The authors provide examples of cities playing the role of a transnational institutional bypass of nation-States and indicate the circumstances that may compel cities to act as such a bypass and fulfil the nation-State functions. The aim of the paper is to show that cities may successfully bypass nation-States in specific circumstances, including some cases of nation-States being unwilling to act in order to achieve a greater good that is in the interests of people living in a given nation-State or, even on a broader scale, in the interests of mankind. To best of the authors’ knowledge, this is the first attempt to introduce the concept of an institutional bypass to cities and to construe conditions applicable in such a case.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00062023-06-20T00:00:00.000+00:00Unintentional Democratic Backsliders. “Evil Always Wins Through the Strength of its Splendid Dupes”https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0003<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This, mainly conceptual, paper concerns the democratic backsliding process, focusing on specific and understudied actors whose actions (or non-actions) unintentionally contribute to the undertakings of autocrats or “would-be autocrats,” instead of concentrating on often analysed incumbents. The authors propose in this regard a concept of “unintentional backsliders,” including its definition, typology, and model of mapping actors who, due to recklessness or negligence, unintentionally support democratic backsliding. The spectrum of such backsliders has been additionally outlined in the case of Poland, the fastest de-democratising country recently — in order to demonstrate that the proposed conceptual framework can be translated into a political reality and has a potential to be applied in empirical studies.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00032023-06-20T00:00:00.000+00:00Factors that Influence Repeated Participation in Ukrainian Parliamentary Elections: The Impact of the 1990 and 1994 Campaignshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0008<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This paper is the analysis of the repeated participation of the 1990 and 1994 elections candidates in the following 1998–2014 elections. The interest in the long-standing candidates is dictated by the need to better understand which type of political background and political strategy gravitate more to the commencement of a political career at the very beginning of democracy building in Ukraine. The paper hypothesizes that in 1990 having a Communist Nomenklatura background was the determining factor, whereas in 1994, unaffiliated candidates who originated from the „party of power” were the main contenders. The hypotheses are tested using the data on the background and electoral results of the candidates, who started in the 1990 and 1994 electoral campaigns (8,898 candidates in the EAST PaC database). In this study both successful and failed candidates are studied because they all acquire experience of political professional activity. It was found out that the Communist party officials and managers of the state enterprises, who had won in 1990, competed in the following electoral campaigns less often, while unaffiliated directors more often. The affiliation with the left-wing parties in 1994 predicts higher odds that a candidate will repeat his/her attempts to get a seat.<sup>1</sup></p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00082023-06-20T00:00:00.000+00:00Report of the Conference Within the Horizon Mars Cycle: “Moon and Mars as the Nearest Stages of Exploration and Development of the Solar System: Global, European, Polish, Lower Silesian Perspectives”https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0011ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00112023-06-20T00:00:00.000+00:00Book Review: András Bozóki, “Rolling Transition and the Role of Intellectuals: The Case of Hungary, 1977–1994”, CEU Press, 2022, 602 Pageshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0010ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00102023-06-20T00:00:00.000+00:00Rejoinder to Dominiak on Unjust Enrichment and Libertarianismhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-0009<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Dominiak (2022) takes the position that, according to the libertarian philosophy, there should be no such thing as unjust enrichment. If there is, the beneficiary should be legally obligated to jettison his gains in favor of the benefactor. The present paper takes issue with that stance; it maintains that while there is indeed, of course, unjust enrichment, and in many cases the beneficiary must indeed give up his benefits, there are also counter examples in which this is not indicated.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2023-00092023-06-20T00:00:00.000+00:00Implementing Co-Creation as a Policy Norm in Sweden — Steering Strategies for a Robust Municipal Organisationhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0014<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Building upon findings from a strategically selected case study of a pioneering Swedish municipality, Jönköping, a participant in a Horizon2020 project on co-creating public service innovations in Europe (CoSIE), this paper illustrates how local municipalities may take a systemic approach to creating the necessary conditions for sustainable co-creation and assesses whether this illustrates an ongoing paradigmatic shift in service management and culture. The strategic change management efforts in adapting a public sector organisation to a co-creation culture, are assessed against a normative theoretical framework for such a transformative change (Finansdepartementet 2018; Torfing et al, 2016;). The study employs the concept of co-creation to highlight the paradigmatic shift in the approach to citizens as service end users from passive clients to active citizens with resources and capabilities to exert an impact on service design, delivery, and value creation. Th e article offers new insights into how a robust organisation may be moving towards a new public administration paradigm that accommodates co-creation, and especially how a new approach to management based on trust may be strategically implemented as a key factor in facilitating systemic change (Torfing et al, 2016). Against the background of a significant shortage of studies exploring how conditions for such a transformative change are created at different system levels, the article examines a longitudinal real-time study and illustrates new management approaches, strategies, and tools used. The study also contributes a normative framework to explore a shift to more trust-based steering and a more nuanced explanation of an ongoing managerial shift towards a ‘co-creation’ paradigm. It argues that achieving trust-based steering has major potential to facilitate a co-creation culture but that a paradigmatic shift towards such a culture requires congruence in discourses and actions on different system levels and a major transformation of approaches, roles, and relationship dynamics between senior and first-line management.</p> </abstract>ARTICLEtruehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-00142021-12-30T00:00:00.000+00:00en-us-1