rss_2.0Polish Political Science Review FeedSciendo RSS Feed for Polish Political Science Reviewhttps://sciendo.com/journal/PPSRhttps://www.sciendo.comPolish Political Science Review 's Coverhttps://sciendo-parsed-data-feed.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/60060a03e797941b18f2dad5/cover-image.jpg?X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&X-Amz-Date=20220811T015315Z&X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&X-Amz-Expires=604799&X-Amz-Credential=AKIA6AP2G7AKP25APDM2%2F20220811%2Feu-central-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&X-Amz-Signature=57d791c114f3468f9c569511fa41f9029a71745f75765a1d0757cb8e1accbe58200300Disentangling the Moral Rightness of Securitization: Data Mining of the Process of Framing and Shaping of Poland-United States Relationshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2022-0003<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Since the democratic transition, Poland-United States relations have been framed by the Polish authorities as a strategic threat-management tool in the securitization process of Poland’s geopolitical position, particularly concerning the Russian Federation. We analyse the process of securitization regarding Poland-US relations through latent topic modelling of Polish parliamentary speeches in the years 1991–2017. We demonstrate that the discourse on Polish-US relations is heavily dominated by security topics, narrowly understood as military security. Furthermore, even when economic issues are discussed, they are frequently linked to military operations. Based on Floyd’s (2011, 2019) model of the moral rightness of securitization, we argue that the close relationship between securitizing moves (debates on Poland-US relations) and security practices (security events) suggests the basic sincerity of the securitizing actor, while the historical context reflected in the Polish collective memory strongly influences the audience’s frame of reference and strengthens the power of the securitizing actor. However, although the case fulfils Floyd’s (2019) criteria of morally right securitization, we have shown a historical disparity between the scope of securitizing moves with security practices and the existing level of threat. This demonstrates that the securitizing agent has been abusing securitization by exceeding the ‘least harmful option’, particularly due to the large asymmetry of power of the participants in the relationship, the securitization process stretched over a long period and the threat severity varying over time.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-07-09T00:00:00.000+00:00Book Review: Agnieszka Stępińska, Artur Lipiński, Dorota Piontek, Agnieszka Hess, “Populist Political Communication in Poland: Political Actors — Media — Citizens” Logos Verlag Berlin, 2020, 243 Pageshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2022-0007ARTICLE2022-07-09T00:00:00.000+00:00Book Review — Peter W. Schulze (Ed.): “Multipolarity — The Promise of Disharmony” (Campus Verlag: Frankfurt/New York: 2018)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2022-0008ARTICLE2022-07-09T00:00:00.000+00:00Are You in the Network? The Impact of Co-Creation on the Network of Participantshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2022-0005<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>At present, local communities are increasingly confronted with problems that do not have simple solutions. To tackle them, complex responses are needed. One such problem is found in the question of who shall be responsible for stabilising the economic situation of people living in small villages? Is it the individual, who should be able to effectively manage his or her own farm, or is it the state, which is liable for creating a better economic environment? Is it the market, since it is the space for economic activities? Is it the municipality that is responsible for the well-being of the citizens living in the villages? Is it NGOs, because of their social responsibility? Boundaries have been blurred, making functions, goals, and responsibilities more complex. The aim of the H2020 CoSIE project is to revive the forgotten culture of farming, horticulture, and animal husbandry in 10 disadvantaged rural settlements in Hungary and, thus, to develop a new service model. The data presented are collected in two consecutive questionnaire surveys. The first took place in September 2019 and the second in January 2020, involving 72 households. Between the two surveys, the agricultural tools of the respondents developed remarkably and there were also significant changes in the network of the participants. Project participants regarded the change in their attitude as one of the most positive outcomes, as they became much more open to new things. The highest proportion of respondents reported an improvement in their relationships with locals. Joint communication has improved to a similar extent because there are more frequently spontaneous meetings than before the start of the project.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-07-09T00:00:00.000+00:00Ratification of the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA): Towards A New Structure of Political Conflict?https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2022-0002<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Has the high-profile public opposition to recent EU trade agreements supplanted the traditional socio-economic pattern of competition in European trade policy with a value-driven one? This article draws on new data analysing the outcome of the ratification process of a mixed free trade agreement (CETA) in the European Parliament and in all national parliaments that have so far completed ratification. With help of a logistic regression model analysing the vote-outcome, this article demonstrates that despite high social salience, economic considerations remain prominent. Values (TAN-GAL cleavage) were relevant but played a different role than expected. Against the expectation, green parties associated with the GAL-spectrum voted against CETA demonstrating that party preferences on specific values do not necessarily coincide or generate the same policy preference.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-07-09T00:00:00.000+00:00The Policy of Supporting Students with Disabilities At Higher Education Institutions in Poland — The Example of the University of Wrocław University and Wrocław University of Technologyhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2022-0006<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Students with disabilities are an important group in the academic community who should be provided with appropriate support by higher education institutions (HEIs) from the recruitment stage through education to participation in academic activities. The aim of this article is to analyse the support system for students with disabilities at universities in Poland, in the context of good practices model implementation, based on the examples of the University of Wrocław and Wrocław University of Technology. The paper uses formal-legal analysis, sources analysis and uses quantitative data for a comparative sake. The article answers the following research questions: 1. What are the legal regulations for supporting students with disabilities? 2. How do higher education institutions regulate support for students with disabilities? 3. How do higher education institutions in Poland implement inclusive education? 4. How and at what level do higher education institutions implement the good practice model? 5. Do students with disabilities receive the support they request? 6. Does the implementation of the model of good practices help to increase the accessibility of higher education institutions? As a result, an evaluation of the implementation of support at the University of Wrocław and Wrocław University of Technology was developed. Strengths and weaknesses of the support off ered were identified and the level of support for students with disabilities was assessed based on the model of good practices. In conclusion, both the University of Wrocław and the Wrocław University of Technology have implemented a model of good practice in supporting students with disabilities. However, there is a need to extend the range of forms of support and to intensify some of the forms of support implemented so far.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-07-09T00:00:00.000+00:00The Coercion–Extraction Cycle and the Paradox of Stabilityhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2022-0001<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Our paper revisits the work of Samuel Finer and David Easton in order to establish a firmer grasp on the problem of political stability within a given state or regime. We suggest that Finer’s approach to the problem of coercion–extraction is not wholly incompatible with Easton’s political system approach (as modified by Gabriel Almond). By combining what Finer and Easton (as understood through Almond) offer, we construct a framework that allows us to better understand political stability. The model we construct offers current researchers exploring the workings of political stability a useful tool to study and focus on the various dynamics that drive the stability of any given political system.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-07-09T00:00:00.000+00:00Beyond Advising: The Representative Role of Advisory Councils (The Case of Polish Cities)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2022-0004<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Advisory councils (ACs) are permanent opinion-giving bodies that are established by public authorities. Their members are recruited from among residents, local officials, and members of NGOs. The author argues that, apart from their opinion-giving function, ACs perform the role of citizen representatives. The research was based on the survey of AC members. Its results were analyzed by a theoretical framework informed by representation theory. It has been documented that the representation is significantly related to the AC type, and that the decisive factor of disparity between ACs is their mandatory vs. optional creation. The study also shows that there is strong relationship between the formal and substantial representation of AC members. However, mixed AC audience undermines traditional links of authorization and accountability, which calls for the reconsideration of the theoretical framework of studies on AC representation.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2022-07-09T00:00:00.000+00:00Co-Creation of Public Services in the European Union. Concepts, Approaches and Practicehttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0009<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The concept of co-creation of public services, which is the essence of this thematic issue of Polish Political Science Review, is part of the current debate on the modernization of the delivery system in the European Union upon Europeanization and globalization. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to enhance the understanding of the factors that assist the co-creation in public service delivery and its capabilities on the both conceptual and practical level. The article works towards presenting the perspective in public governance by examining key aspects which make the ecosystem of the co-creation of public services. In addition, it is intended as an introduction to this thematic issue, and it is a basis for a better understanding of topics discussed in individual articles by authors representing the European research community and non-governmental organizations. The authors present, in detail, considerations on both approach-oriented perspectives and empirical findings, which refer to various socio-cultural, political and economic contexts in different regions of the European Union.</p> <p>To achieve the research aim, following research questions were developed: What concepts and approaches reflect the idea of co-creation of public services in the European Union? Do they impact the institutional practice? Thus, the first part of the article discusses the key concepts and approaches with the aim to provide guidance and a joint understanding, and then introduces the main notions which make up the ecosystem of the co-creation of public services in the European Union understood as a method (citizens’ participation), a process (social innovation) and a system (public governance). The last part of the article is a reflection on challenges and limitations as well as stimulants that determine its practicing in changing settings and contexts.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-30T00:00:00.000+00:00Co-Design and Co-Production of Public Service. The Prevention of Childhood Obesity in Reggio Emilia — Italyhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0013<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The paper illustrates an empirical research project concerning the co-creation process in Reggio Emilia’s public services and their efforts to reduce childhood obesity. The research is based on a participative evaluation research methodology. The project has been implemented within the framework of the CoSIE project, funded by the Horizon 2020 Research Program — Innovation Action. It has been led by the Local Health Unit (LHU) of Reggio Emilia, a mid-size town in north-eastern Italy, and Cup2000/Lepida, a public/private corporation delivering ICT for health service in the Emilia-Romagna Region.</p> <p>The empirical research has been conducted by the University of Bologna, using a mixed method multi-dimensional strategy and combining the <italic>Action-Research</italic> tradition with the approach of the <italic>Theory of Change</italic>.</p> <p>The theoretical framework reflects on the co-creation process, distinguishing between its different phases. In particular, it defines the co-production and the co-design phase, operationalising them with the concepts of System Integration and Social Integration. This linkage allows the analysis of the involvement of institutional stakeholders and final users in the co-creation process.</p> <p>Many factors including the actors’ identity, the participation modalities and the impact of each stakeholder on the service, contribute to the model of co-creation in “the shadow of institutions”, characterised by a low level of Social Integration and a high level of System Integration.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-30T00:00:00.000+00:00Social Innovation and Co-creation in Smallscale Renewable Energy: an Asset-based Approachhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0010<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This paper makes a novel contribution by turning an ‘asset’ lens onto social and technical innovation in the context of the small-scale generation of renewable energy. The authors draw on learning from an international project that aimed to develop innovative technologies for the micro generation of energy using wastes and residues. Variations on innovation that cut across the social and technical are introduced. It is noted that although emanating from different traditions, a common theme is emphasis on a distributed knowledge base in which the roles of innovator, producer and consumer overlap or merge. This implies that the (social) innovation process is also one of co-creation. The authors borrow from international development studies the Sustainable Livelihood Analysis (SLA) framework, which is usually used for working with poor households to foreground strengths and resources rather than needs and deficits. To illustrate the utility of SLA for social innovation at local and community level, findings are presented from UK fieldwork on socio economic barriers and opportunities affecting the feasibility of new community energy generation and enterprise options. The importance and the fragility of human assets are highlighted.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-30T00:00:00.000+00:00Discourse Construction by Non-Government Actors in https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0011<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This paper employs critical discourse analysis to examine how Warsaw citizens (residents) perceived and organized the narratives of their participation in the governance of urban regeneration between 2004 and 2016 and how this evolved over that period. The study reveals citizens’ discursive practices, such as the construction of positive and negative identities of the relevant social actors, the binary opposition between ‘us and them’, the development of new interpretations of urban regeneration, and finally, the gradual elaboration of a model of empowered citizenship. Drawing on the concept of democratic urban regeneration policymaking, the research suggests that in the case of Warsaw, one can speak of a shift from a citizen discourse of rebellious participation in non-deliberative governance towards one of more consensual and empowering participation in more deliberative governance.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-30T00:00:00.000+00:00Changing the Story: An Alternative Approach to System Change in Public Service Innovationhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0012<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Storytelling is a powerful instrument for system change. Telling stories of lived experience, listening to them, and sharing them contributes to a culture of trust based on dignity, mutual respect and shared values. In this paper we draw attention to public service innovation and co-creation with the people the service is meant for. In the past years, public service innovation was result-and output driven, targeting technological and managerial innovation. Stories of service users revealed the unintended negative consequences of such innovation policies and opened new perspectives for conversations of change based on shared values leading to innovations based on human development and dignity.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-30T00:00:00.000+00:00Implementing Co-Creation as a Policy Norm in Sweden — Steering Strategies for a Robust Municipal Organisationhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0014<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>Building upon findings from a strategically selected case study of a pioneering Swedish municipality, Jönköping, a participant in a Horizon2020 project on co-creating public service innovations in Europe (CoSIE), this paper illustrates how local municipalities may take a systemic approach to creating the necessary conditions for sustainable co-creation and assesses whether this illustrates an ongoing paradigmatic shift in service management and culture. The strategic change management efforts in adapting a public sector organisation to a co-creation culture, are assessed against a normative theoretical framework for such a transformative change (Finansdepartementet 2018; Torfing et al, 2016;). The study employs the concept of co-creation to highlight the paradigmatic shift in the approach to citizens as service end users from passive clients to active citizens with resources and capabilities to exert an impact on service design, delivery, and value creation. Th e article offers new insights into how a robust organisation may be moving towards a new public administration paradigm that accommodates co-creation, and especially how a new approach to management based on trust may be strategically implemented as a key factor in facilitating systemic change (Torfing et al, 2016). Against the background of a significant shortage of studies exploring how conditions for such a transformative change are created at different system levels, the article examines a longitudinal real-time study and illustrates new management approaches, strategies, and tools used. The study also contributes a normative framework to explore a shift to more trust-based steering and a more nuanced explanation of an ongoing managerial shift towards a ‘co-creation’ paradigm. It argues that achieving trust-based steering has major potential to facilitate a co-creation culture but that a paradigmatic shift towards such a culture requires congruence in discourses and actions on different system levels and a major transformation of approaches, roles, and relationship dynamics between senior and first-line management.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-12-30T00:00:00.000+00:00Book Review: Michał Krzyżanowski, “Brexit and the Imaginary of ‘Crisis’: A Discourse-Conceptual Analysis of European News Media,” Critical Discourse Studies 16, No. 4 (2019): 465–490https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0008ARTICLE2021-08-13T00:00:00.000+00:00International Political Authority: On the Meaning and Scope of a Justified Hierarchy in International Relations (Voelsen & Schettler, 2019)https://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0007<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This article is a review of a paper titled <italic>International political authority: on the meaning and scope of a justified hierarchy in international relations</italic> written by Daniel Voelsen and Leon Schettler. The growing power and authority of international organizations has been perceived by many as a sign of a new global order where the concept of sovereignty of the state is replaced with the constitutional principles of democracy, human rights and the rule of law. Recently, a tendency has been observed to consider international organizations as autonomous, legitimate institutions possessing political authority. However, it is rather challenging to find one and the complex understanding of political authority that encompasses all components that construct it. Voelsen and Schettler offer a detailed analysis of the concepts of international authority that are present in the literature and even criticize them. In this article, the conducted research is reviewed and scrutinized in detail.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-08-13T00:00:00.000+00:00Satisfaction with Democracy in Perspective: Anchoring Today By Looking Back and Forwardhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0002<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The question of how satisfied people are with the workings of their national democracy has oft en been criticized but is still the international standard measurement of satisfaction with democracy (SWD). In this paper we explore the benefits of adding questions about remembered and expected satisfaction ‘ten years ago’ and ‘ten years from now’, as were asked in the ISSP citizenship surveys of 2004 and 2014. Based on the data from seventeen European countries, we find that national samples: <list list-type="bullet"> <list-item><p>■ do not show universal ‘nostalgia’,</p></list-item> <list-item><p>■ produce good guesses of past satisfaction but show no futurist insights,</p></list-item> <list-item><p>■ give retrospective judgments that do not correlate well with changes in expert opinions,</p></list-item> <list-item><p>■ give retrospective judgments that do not correlate well with changes in the share of the populist vote.</p></list-item> </list></p> <p>At the individual level we find: <list list-type="bullet"> <list-item><p>■ that in almost all countries expected satisfaction with democracy ten years from now is a better predictor of political trust and feelings of political efficacy than satisfaction with democracy today,</p></list-item> <list-item><p>■ that in almost all countries expected satisfaction with democracy ten years from now is a better predictor of the preference for populist voting (in one national case study),</p></list-item> <list-item><p>we note that Poland is the only country in our sample where citizens were, in 2014, retrospectively more positive about the development of their democracy, probably due to the severe economic conditions Poland faced in 2004.</p></list-item> </list></p> <p>Overall, we do not find evidence for the relevance of retrospective judgements, but some evidence for the relevance of prospective judgements. We recommend further research into individual changes in present satisfaction and perceptions of these changes to better understand the frames of reference of ‘satisfaction with democracy today’.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-08-13T00:00:00.000+00:00Brahmin Left Vs. Merchant Right: The Miscellaneous Causes and Consequenceshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0001<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>In his recent book, Capital and Ideology, French economist Thomas Piketty devotes the final chapter to the changing dimensions of political conflict in Western democracies. The goal of this article is to confront some of his findings with mainstream political science. Piketty’s arguments are confronted with the findings of scholars within political science. To begin the article, we establish two research questions in the introduction. We then delineate the gradual reversal of the educational cleavage and subsequent emergence of the multi-elite system according to Piketty. He demonstrates how the classist conflict prevailing in the 1950s and 60s morphed into the Brahmin Left versus the Merchant Right system, with the “Left” being supported by the more educated electorate and the “Right” being supported by the relative well-offs. In the following two sections, we deal with his arguments regarding the causes and the outcomes of this gradual shift. Firstly, he proposes two hypotheses regarding the metamorphosis of the Left: the social and nativist hypotheses. We argue that neither of the two hypotheses is actually a comprehensive explanation and we propose alternative that takes into account the changing structure of social classes. Secondly, with regards to the outcomes of the reversal of the educational cleavage, Piketty considers one of the consequences of this shift to be a social-nativist trap, a combination of pro-redistribution policies and cultural nativism. We have concluded that the social-nativism is not a trap per se as much as an inevitability resulting from the less advantaged class feeling abandoned in the multi-elite political conflict.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-08-13T00:00:00.000+00:00Adaptability in Environmental Policy at the Commune Level Carried Out in Poland Based on the Example of the Urban Plan of Adaptation to Climate Changeshttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0006<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>The effects of the observed climate changes constitute a real problem in the surrounding environment due to the scale and frequency of natural catastrophic events. This state of affairs prompts various types of entities, including institutions, to undertake adaptation measures as part of environmental policy, both at the international and local levels. In Poland, the entities responsible for the implementation of this policy at the local level are, inter alia, the voivodeship, the poviat and the commune authorities. The authors present the Urban Adaptation Plans (MPA for short) prepared in 44 Polish cities, which can be an example of a document where the main goal is to increase the adaptability of cities to a changing climate.</p> <p>On the basis of the identified list of types of adaptation measures provided for in all prepared Urban Adaptation Plans, the pragmatic nature of the implemented adaptation measures has been demonstrated, which will not cause any changes to basic attributes of the social and ecological system of cities. Thus, 44 cities in Poland will manage the process of gradual adaptation up to 2024, i.e., until when the Urban Adaptation Plans will require updating.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-08-13T00:00:00.000+00:00Poland’s Policy in the Space Sector: The Institutional Dimension Since Joining the European Space Agencyhttps://sciendo.com/article/10.2478/ppsr-2021-0005<abstract> <title style='display:none'>Abstract</title> <p>This paper discusses Poland’s policy approach regarding the space-sector. The paper covers the period from 2012 to the end of 2019, i.e. the period of Poland’s membership in the European Space Agency. It tackles the institutional development of the sector. The paper’s main thesis is that positive developments occurred during the analysed period supporting development of the Polish space sector, which however has not resulted in transparent responsibility-division or their concentration in a single ministry. On the contrary, competence disputes have intensified. These disputes do not strengthen the position of the space sector, nor the evolution of the Polish Space Agency. The statutory changes have actually led to the degradation of the significance of the Polish Space Agency and its transition from a space policy integrator to the expert support structure of individual ministries. Therefore, there is no strong entity capable of effective coordination and promotion of Polish space policy in the country and abroad.</p> </abstract>ARTICLE2021-08-13T00:00:00.000+00:00en-us-1